TIGblogs - Mandela Kapere's TIGBlog

The shock doctor(ine).

Fri, 22 May 2009 13:44:00 EDT

We must continue to belief in the collective, I restate this not only because it is a fundamental truth encoded in our party constitution and youth league oath of office,but because it is only through the collective will, that we shall be able to achieve for Namibia a reality based on progress and unity (mutual co-existence).

Many people do not take the time to listen to and read the assertions of dr.Ngurare (http://www.spyl.org/?p=62#), as one who does so regularly, it is striking to note that the basic tone of his assertions are a return to the values of nationalism, African affirmation and socialism. This is more than all else, why I in particular am steadfast in the direction of our nascent youth movement. if only for this reason, than all the young people of Namibia must rally behind Comrade Ngurare, the SWAPO Party Youth League, The SWAPO Party and its President H.E Hifikepunje Pohamba, who on behalf of the SWAPO masses projects the fundamental truth that a socialist path to development, based on national unity and an absolute affirmation of our AfriKaness is the only foundation that shall proof to be lasting.

This week again, as is usual, I once again received from our friends at the Cuban embassy, daily dispatches written by Comrade Fidel Castro entitled ‘refections by (comrade) Fidel’, where comrade Fidel elucidates, as sharply as he always has, on matters that occupy his mind. At one such occasion, he writes of Comrade Evo Morales in such a lucid and empathetic manner that it evoked in me, a rather starkly surreal similarity to Comrade Ngurare. He says of Comrade Morales’s persistent, struggle against oppositions hardheads inter alia ‘Nobody denies any longer that he is winning the battle without resorting to the use of force or abusing power” he continues in the immediate line after that , in what is typical Fidel wit, with ” The adversary can not cope with his volley.” This optimizes the wit and talent for strategy that our leader of the youth league posses.

It is but Sam Nujoma, Theo Ben Gurrirab, Bankie Forster Bankie, Clinton Swartbooi (all of whom, I have been privy to occasional chats with) and my own father, from whome I have been able to draw more or perhaps as insightfull intellectual inspiration other than our dear Secretary.

Why we are on they right side of history!

Tue, 12 May 2009 16:08:00 EDT

The Next “elder” that doles out the now infamous coinage that youth in Namibia have no respect for elders and that implies even tacitly that ‘I’ call the SWAPO PARTY YOUTH LEAGUE to order, will have to forgive me for my respectfully insolent refusal to heed
.

Trouble with Namibia, generally speaking of course, is everyone speaks and no one really listens, people often think they do, but it is as clear as day and night that they do not, allow me to say respectfully that some “elders” are most guilty of this abhorrent behavior. I often think that instead of the almost allergic aversion to the SPYL, a more useful response would be to listen and learn a thing or two. The aversion of some who seem to me, like recent converts to liberalism, is indeed very instructive and it epitomizes the fact that young people in order to be heard must resort to the tactics used by SPYL in recent months, what a sad fate for our country if it is indeed the case, that its youth have to resort to causing mass hysteria in order to be heard. Why should youths first scare some to a shitles state of fear, before they heed to what we have to say?

By nature, I am not prone to ‘big statements” or controversy, but I must say that the current crop of SPYL leaders are the most effective weapon the youth movement has in its artillery at this stage and I will continue to support both the tone and content emanating from across the Katutura State Hospital. For as long as there are those that are oblivious to the fact that young people have a legitimate stake at the decision making table, then there is no other means but this, left to us as a movement. This state of crisis is not unique to Namibia, but exist the world over, reactions of French minority youths in one instance and students in another, after the election of Sarkozy in France are illustrative of that fact, one could site many other examples of this from Pakistan to Columbia to Nigeria, though the circumstances and issues vary, the result of such alienation from the center is a radicalized and angry response from youths.

My own experiences from interacting with youths on a daily basis lead me to the unfortunate observation that the outcries of SPYL are rather mild in comparison to the anger of many other youths outside the leadership of SPYL. Many youths particularly those who still languish in rural poverty remain dedicated and committed to SWAPO and her political program. This again is instructive of the fact that youths, the vast majority of them anyway, will continue to be loyal to the SWAPO Party, because it represents our best hope for the future. The inability of the powers that be, to perfect the mechanisms of our party particular as she relates to her government are loathsome at best and deserve “rectification”. Chairman Mao is very instructive in this regard, and I quote him as follows “our point of departure is to serve the people whole heartedly and never for a moment to divorce ourselves from the masses, to proceed in all cases from the interest of the people and not from one’s self interest or from the interest of a small group, and to identify our responsibility to the people with our own responsibility to the organs of the Party.”

Many often argue that the SPYL leadership’s radicalized stances are because those in leadership of SPYL wish to jostle for positions in parliament or/and that the Founding Father and others are behind this amplified discontent, these arguments are pitiful if not giddy and far from the simple truth. Parliament is not the destination, in actual fact no one of those in the leadership of SPYL, I have talked to, have expressed any such wishes even lightheartedly, moreover, who would want to trade the dynamism of the being in the leadership of SPYL for the mundane diplomacy and chivalrous pomp that parliament requires. Our destination is youth development that is meaningful and far from the tokenistic development and institutions that exist to date`. Bringing Nujoma for as much as we love and adore him onto the scene will not change the real factors at play.

Condom use and why the Papacy got it wrong....

Thu, 19 Mar 2009 06:12:00 EDT

His Holy Grace Pope Benedict the 16th’s recent comments on his Africa tour on the use of condoms are shockingly dismaying at best and disturbingly irresponsible in general. His comments come in the wake of signifgant gains the African continent has been able to attain through the rollout of treatment and equally as import through reduction of infection rates of many countries on the continent and through infection rate stabilization in many others.

The continent has over the past 30 odd years experimented with various approaches and we can say with some certainty that condom use promotion in tandem with abstinence promotion does work. It is my feeling that if the Papacy persist with detracting condom use, years of gains might be compromised.

This anachronistic stance of the Pope and the Catholic church is not helpful in a large majority of instances and serves little value outside of religious puritanism , which in my view sometimes is an easy retreat considered against the hard knocks ground level intervention that we must employ in order to reverse adverse impact of social ills in our society. Consider that in a world where 7400 new infections are recorded daily, we cannot be divided about the strategies that need to be put in place in order to consolidate gains made thus far. I respectively disagree with His Grace’s notion that religious piety and sexual fidelity alone shall reduce infections rates.

While I cannot fault His Holy Grace for his assertion that there is a moral dimension to high persistence of infection rates, I am at pains to say that unfortunately statements such as his, reflect little compassion for the millions that have contracted the virus while being religiously pious and monogamous in their sexual relations, His Holy Grace himself during the 2nd Vatican Council made a profoundly suggestive gesture when he said amongst other that “what the church needs today as always are not adulators to extol the status quo but men whose humility and obedience are not less that their passion for truth.”

What I seek to evoke through this piece is not ill will for the church or contempt for the institution of the Papacy, on the contrary I seek merely to express my point of view that obedience to the doctrine of the one true faith, must also be weight against the good that comes of safeguards that are the fruits of the free enterprise of mind, body and soul of humanity. Condoms specifically here refer.

I too share the concern of the Papacy that excessive hedonism and the dictatorship of western relativism as he calls it or liberalism as I do, removes us from gods favor in many ways, where I disagree fundamentally is the manner, intent and lack of compassion of his discourse on this matter.

Mandela Kapere
Madiba.tigblog.org

Youth expect no more than we deserve...

Mon, 10 Nov 2008 05:55:00 EST

Young Namibians today, cannot deject that the anti colonial struggle for liberation and against apartheid, remains a cogent political and sociological lesson for our times. It might seem that there are some of us who are obsessed with liberation rhetoric, but this is not the case, on the contrary, apart from the historic worth of liberationism, liberationism teaches us real and cogent lessons for our times, such as loyalty, patriotism, determination, hard work and unwavering resolve. It is these values and notions that we invoke today as we set the pace for a new development discourse.

Given the above, the demand and the struggle for opportunities within the nascent economy remains our rallying call. It is from the struggle against anti colonial resistance from which we must draw our inspiration and resolve. The broad based empowerment of the masses of our people, the rural masses in particular, is preeminent in our minds eye as we seek to trudge towards vision 2030 and as we gather for this event. To underestimate the importance of this objective is to undermine the masses who where and are the bedrock of both our previous and present struggles.

The empowerment of young people is within the above ambits and surely it cannot be anything but a just ask, to receive support while we learn, toil and strive for our country. Those institution and persons who steer us towards vision 2030 consider, and apply their minds to creating worthwhile opportunities for young people today and in the future.

Nevertheless while the above remains a paramount objective we must continue to strive, toil and learn, we must strive for what is just fair and in our national interest, we must toil to grow food, build infrastructure and extract the resources which God has abounded this nation with and finally we must learn to perfect means of governance harmony and without seizing perfect the use of technology for our own advancement.

It is only the generations that owns and strives towards its aspirations that can ultimately achieve them

Defending our values is a categorical imperative.....

Fri, 19 Sep 2008 07:58:00 EDT

Nangola Mbumba said a most profound thing at the recent SWAPO party rally, when he said amongst other, that there is no one entity that has a monopoly for being smart. I was reminded of this rather telling assertion this morning (Monday, the 15th of September, 2008) while listening to Hon Nora Chase MP (COD) on the Good Morning (Namibia) show.

The assertion that was made by her, implied to me that she viewed that SWAPO had failed at several levels and its failures in respect to the implementation of the constitution and consolidation of democracy where with intent.

This is no complicated matter to take issue with, thus I will do so briefly without much ado and jargon jostling. It is obvious that this statement is set against the backdrop of opposition hyperbole and was made without references to an objective measurement of the relevant tools for analyzing this; consider that Africa is abound with various measures in that respect. Consider also that the most fundamental basis always in our reference to ourselves and our relationship with the state, should be a reverence to firstly the constitution and then secondly other law, most things other than those that are codified in our law are arbitrary considerations.

She dully recognizes that the Namibian constitution is a fair and good instrument and that it enshrines the rights of the citizens of this country. However the assertion that the relevant provision in respect to the same are deliberately not adhered to is fallacious and devoid of logic and falls firmly in the ambit of polemic hyperbole. As Bona fide “defenders” of law, justice and democracy, Why then not defend the law in the courts. And seek the necessary legal recourse?

It is not my manner to consistently make reference to
the past in the analyze of nascent challenges, but in many cases we have to realize that there is a sound logical basis for such arguments on the odd occasion and this issue is one case in point. Democratic ideals both for leaders and the ordinary citizens take years and generations to entrench. So it is not odd in the Namibian instance that we have skirmishes. It is purely hogwash to say that SWAPO has not entrenched democracy in Namibia. In the first place while it is granted that SWAPO as the party in government has a major role to play in this endeavor, it is utterly nonsensical to say then that the failure of democracy is the fault of SWAPO.

Recently in the USA during the Texas “Two Step” as well as in the Philadelphia Democratic Primary, there was much uproar on the process its fairness and incidences of voter intimidation arose, even cases of cheating and actual fighting where recorded. Recently in Arkansas, the Democratic Party’s State Vice Chairman was shot and killed outside the parties’ state headquarters, in an attack that was largely seen to be politically motivated. Consider this against the background that even in a nation that is one of the world’s oldest liberal democracies, we do on the occasion react in an inappropriate manner.

My argument here is not that violence and intimidation is right but that it does occur in the process of a heated political race. The second predicate of my antithesis is that Namibia has an entrenched culture of antagonized politics with roots in the cold war era liberation struggle of the country.

In my modest view, we very often misinterpret the relative absence of our personal political values in the political system as unjust, this is wrong, selfish and at often times elitist. Democracy by its very nature presupposes that there are others in the polity that will have different views than that of our own.

Our democracy is young, fragile and in need of further consolidation, our nation is only now consolidating a new political culture and the odd occasional fracas must be condemned but let us please see such occurrences through the right lenses.

SWAPO should and will do its part to defend the gains of our liberation but so should others, the stakes have bearing on us all.

Avant Garde or Liberal diatribe?

Tue, 05 Aug 2008 08:14:00 EDT

In the early pages of love in the Time of Cholera the masterful Gabriel Garcia Marques uses lucid and brilliant prose to carry a lesson, which I think we would do ourselves well to consider.

When narrating some of Loratio Thugut’s peculiar sexual habits as a novelty of the avant garde to the sexually and emotionally naive protagonist, Florentine Ariza. Marques says specifically …and so Loratio Thugut could never persuade him that watching and letting himself be watched were the refinements of European princes…just as Floretine Ariza could not be bent to forego his values beliefs and principles to the more seductive excceses of his German fiend in the novel. We as young people of the African continent and of Namibia in particular, should avert being seduced by the easy and romantic notions of liberalism and its nascent excesses

The world is not what it seems, the beautiful is often ugly and the ugly is often prettier than its surface reveals, it would seem that truth is no longer determined by the free conscious but by thugery, collusion and the imagery that is invented subjectively and without the consideration of the values of Africans in particular, it shocks me how easily people are willing to forego their independence and liberty for temporary expedience. There are those amongst us, whom have become too comfortable in this pretension of an existence. The current global economic turmoil reveals only that our economies have misplaced priorities and that ultimately it is the poor, the young, old, woman and the rural masses of black Africa that will bear the brunt of this crisis.

We watch with flushed eagerness the resolutions of the summits of the G8, anticipating with salivating reverence that perhaps Bernake, Bush, Straus Kahn, Sarkozy or Fukuda will offer solution to our burden, how futile and foolish this is. Nujoma has taught us and continues to preach food security as a paramount precondition to our cause, we must be able to feed ourselves before all else. Then invest in the education and technological advancement of our people, this is imperative. Failing this, our states will have no choices to make for themselves and we will have no freedom other than the freedom to salivate for more of the same.

Where others waver, the youth league shall soldier on....

Mon, 21 Jul 2008 12:17:00 EDT

A disturbing development occupies my mind as I write this post, the first post after several weeks of absence. A period during which we in the Namibian Youth Development sector, lost our dear fiend and compatriot Chris Hawala suddenly and tragically.

I have over the last few weeks been aware in the back fissures of my mind that there is a growing insolence both in the SWAPO Party, media and others for the SWAPO Party Youth league, its leadership and its opinions. I have now come to see, that not only is this festering thought real, but I have seen indications that there are those who seem to be willing to use all manner and means to make known their disdain for the SWAPO Party Youth league.

It now seems that the issue that is at the root of this rancorous backlash is preeminently the Zimbabwe crisis. It is totally acceptable that in the course of a debate, that we influence and synthesize each other views, it is also acceptable that we dissect the opinions of others and often expose the fault lines in such arguments, it is even occasionally suitable to differ strongly and publicly where such differences are acute, but what is certainly not tenable is for foreign Ambassadors to our country to determine the views of the countries leadership on its young people. It is very disturbing that some in the top echelons of our countries leadership are developing an aversion for the Youth league its leaders and opinions, based solely on the positions they hold on certain issues.

If anything this reaction is the antithesis of liberal democracy which seems to be the growing mantra amongst those who lead our party and country, SWAPO party despite it clear oscillation towards scientific socialism and Panafricansim, in its party constitution seems to be in practice a broad church, similar to what the ANC likes to profess of itself. It seems to me that the vagueness outside the parties’ constitution and political program is the cause of the hyper myopia, identity crisis and allergy that some have for the written and expressed ideological positions of the Party, which the youth league seeks to defend. The Youth league has said and done nothing outside of this framework, thus this undeclared war on the league and its leaders seems have a deeper and more sinister genesis than seems apparent.

Panafricanism in Namibia : Henny Seibeb , Elijah T Ngurare , Clinton Swartbooi

Sun, 01 Jun 2008 18:13:00 EDT

This week i have the pleasure to post a piece guest written by three close friends and associates all of whom have been playing a role in re-enegesing both the political landscape and Panafrican thinking in Namibia.

This in my view is a timely piece in that Namibia needs to do much soul searching in her attempt to define herself in the broad context of the "One Africa" project.

‘I beg to direct your attention to Africa: I know that in a few years I shall be cut off in that country, which is now open: Do not let it be shut again! I go back to Africa to try to make an open path for commerce and Christianity; do you carry out the work which I begun. I leave the work which I begun. I leave it with you’
David Livingstone, European Missionary-Explorer

“The missionary says that we are the children of God like our White brothers….but just look at us. Dogs, slaves, worse than baboons on the rocks…..that is how you treat us”
A Herero to a German Settler

“The Hottentots have no aeroplanes, and because of that the Boers and the British can bomb them out of their holes and huts and ultimately subdue them. But around these American cities and this Western World we have many Negroes who can fly in aeroplanes. Why not build some, and when the Hottentots need aeroplanes to combat aeroplanes, why not give them of our technical ability and help them to put over the big job that all of us want done”
Marcus Garvey

In using these quotes, it is not our intention to reopen the wounds of the past, but in our view, these wounds have not yet healed completely because the bandage continues to be cut by the realities of the relationship between the ‘Master Race vs. the Slave Race’. We are aware of the sensitivity of this characterization but judging the behaviour of our modern Africa both as individual States and people, there is increasing evidence to substantiate the dominance of the ‘Master Race’ and its subjugation of the ‘Slave Race’. The negrophobic attacks in South Africa as well as Kenya are examples that whilst we slaughter ourselves over crumbs from the capitalist table, the European neo-colonisers remain in control of our means of production, our economies and prices of African strategic raw materials. In this opinion piece, we argue that the only practical and realistic way for us as a people and continent to truly free ourselves from the mental shackles of colonialism and regain our true self determination and economic independence is through Pan-Afrikanism.

Clearly, since the advent of Europeans in Africa, our continent and people have not known real peace, stability and tranquility. Instead in the place of peace came war, in the place of stability came the drawing of arbitrary colonial borders (in 1884-5) and in the place of tranquility came slavery, racism and colonialism.
The African people were exported and sold as commodities in Europe, North America, South America and the Caribbean. The Constitution of the United States of America even declared an African as being 3/5 of a human being. Indeed, this African Holocaust began with the ‘European Renaissance’ in Italy in 1400 and since then slavery, colonialism and racism had ravaged the African continent and its people for centuries. It was the trans-Atlantic slave trade and colonialism which destroyed Africa and underdeveloped it. In his book “How Europe underdeveloped Africa”, Dr Walter Rodney gives a vivid picture of this African tragedy. Slavery and colonialism were made possible by the so-called European Renaissance. The authors of this renaissance used the compass and gunpowder. These Chinese inventions for peaceful purposes were used by Europeans to steal the land and wealth of Africans.

It was as a result of this that visionary leaders of African descent advocated that all Africans - wherever they might be - should unite to end slavery, colonialism and racism. As a result of these events African people world wide began to realize that they faced common problems (slavery, colonization, and racism), and that it would be to their benefit to work together in an effort to solve these problems. Out of this realization came the Pan African Conferences of 1900 (London), 1919 (Paris), 1921 (London, Brussels, Paris), 1923 (London), 1927 (New York), and the last official one was in 1940s.

As Motsoko Pheko points out in his article in The Sowetan (1999), Pan Afrikanism is a movement began in 1776, however, the fifth Pan-African Congress held in Manchester, England, in 1945 advanced Pan-Afrikanism and applied it to the decolonisation of the African continent politically. Some African leaders involved in this noble cause were giants such as Kwame Nkrumah, William du Bois, Jomo Kenyatta, Robert Sobukwe and Patrice Lumumba. In other words, “Pan-Afrikanism includes the intellectual, political and economic cooperation that should lead to the political unity of Africa. The Pan-African alternative provides a framework for African unity.” It also fosters radical change in the colonial structures of the economy, and the implementation of an inward-looking strategy of production and development. It calls for the unification of financial markets, economic integration, a new strategy for initial capital accumulation and the design of a new political map for Africa. Contemporary Africa is beset with difficulties rooted in its inability to unite territorially. The consequences have been national economies incapable of developing because of geographical, economic and political reasons.

We must accept this truth, and take it as our prime duty, if the restoration of Africa is to become a reality. Today we have currencies and passports which allegedly identify us from one another. Yet our currencies lose their values at the borders where we willingly surrender to the power of the Euro and American Dollar. Our national passports are used to restrict the movements of Africans but not of Europeans and Anglo-Saxons from America and elsewhere.

It is imperative to quote Pheko further when he states that “The artificial borders that separate the national territories in the region are divisive of people united by history and divisive of regions united by geography to the extent that they are the subject of disputes and conflicts between African states. SADC must strive for a community that transcends the economic level and strive for the territorial and political unification of Africa. This is the only way for the continent to become a great modern power. This is the only protection against neo-liberalism and globalisation.”

Pan-Afrikanism demands that the riches of Africa be used for the benefit, upliftment, development and enjoyment of the African people. Pan-Afrikanism is a system of equitably sharing food, clothing, homes, education, healthcare, wealth, land, work, security of life and happiness. Pan-Afrikanism is the privilege of the African people to love themselves and to give themselves and their way of life respect and preference. In other words there should be no need to sell white dolls in predominantly black neighborhoods or countries because such dolls are not made in the image of Africans but of Europeans. The only window out of this self-imposed slavery is Pan-Afrikanism. The current problems of Africa therefore are ‘neo-slavery, neo-racism, neo-colonialism, globalisation and neo-apartheid’. So why Pan-Afrikanism, because it was developed by outstanding African scholars, political scientists, historians and philosophers living in Africa and the Diaspora. It was conceived in the womb of Africa. It is a product made in Africa by Africans. Pan-Afrikanism is the oldest vision in Africa. No other ideology has successfully challenged Pan-Afrikanism intellectually. In other words, we do not need ‘coconut academics’ today who look black outside but white inside, NO, we need genuine African scholars, political scientists, historians and philosophers living in and the Diaspora to provide a salvation of the Afro-centric ideals espoused by great African visionaries of yesteryears.

PAN-AFRIKANISM IN NAMIBIA YESTERDAY

The national resistance wars of 1904-05 certainly had a lasting effect on the indigenous people’s lifestyle and views regarding Whites in Namibia in terms of Unity and Solidarity. Since the popular uprising by Hereros and Namas was crushed brutally by Lothar Von Trotha’s commando, many of the indigenous leaders were forced to sign protection treaties and surrendered to German Imperial Forces.

From July 1915, the South African regime took over the control of the Namibian territory from Germany, ending 30 years of German colonial rule. Although there has been a change in regime from one master to the other, the oppressive policies remain largely unchanged. Between 1920 and 1925 resistance against colonial rule assumed a variety of forms unparallel in Namibian history (Tony Emmet).

This period also witness the emergence of new forms of political organizations and ideological strands that transcended pre-colonial divisions and began laying a basis for national unity. Among various organizations that were established were the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU), the African People’s Organisation (APO) and the South West Africa National Congress (SWANC). Tony Emmet notes that “UNIA with its Pan-Africanist platform proved remarkably successful, spreading from the industrial center of Luderitz to other urban, centers, and then to the countryside”.

Both Tony Emmet and Gregory Pirio acknowledge that the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League were launched in Luderitz in 1921. The nucleus for the formation of the UNIA branch was constituted by a small group of West Africans and West Indians who had settled in the coastal towns of the territory. The majority of this group was said to be originating from Liberia, the Cameroon’s, Sierra Leone and the Gold Coast and had been brought into Namibia by the Germans before and during World War 1. In 1910…fifty men and a number of women and children were deported from German colony of Kamerun to Luderitz, following mutiny among the Black Schutztruppe in the West Africa colony (Tony Emmet). Some of the West Africans had been brought to Namibia by Woermann Shipping Company.

Towards the end of 1921 the Luderitz branch of UNIA had a membership of 331 and had collected more or less 41 pounds in subscription fees, a huge amount at that time considering the Black population of 2155 in Luderitz. Upon registration each recruit received a ‘Black, Red and Green Rossette’ which worn on the lapel (Gregory Pirio).

The Luderitz UNIA Branch was active in mobilizing the Blacks under one umbrella body. The continued exploitation of Blacks in all its manifestations-politically, socially and economically gave rise to the unity and resistance zeal to these ordinary people. Fritz Headly, its President was always persistent and resilient in providing the Parent Body with material documenting the real situation and used to write letters to the Negro World and was thus instrumental in acquainting Black people throughout the world with the oppressiveness of the South African mandate regime in South West Africa.

In one such letter, he stated (Gregorio Pirio);

‘We are segregated, discriminated, disenfranchised, jim-crowed in cattle trucks, coal boxes, and last but not least, butchered by the other fellow with rifle and machine gun bullets. But what we are dealing with mostly is segregation wholly in its aspects in the former regime of our oppressors the Germans’

GARVEYISM SPREAD TO THE COUNTRYSIDE

The Luderitz division of the UNIA branch was established in Windhoek in October 1921 under the guidance of its President Headly. From the onset what makes the Windhoek Branch of UNIA unique was that the executive of the branch was firmly under the control of local Black leaders.

The local leaders who were prominent in the Windhoek branch were Hosea Kutako, Aaron John Mungunda, Traugott Maharero, and Nikanor Hoveka. Other leaders on the executive committee were Alpheus Harasemab and Franz Hoisemab.

The Windhoek Branch sent out in October 1922 two emissaries-Theodor Hambue and John Mungunda to establish branches of the association in Usakos, Karibib and Okahandja (Gregory Pirio). Headly was also instrumental in the founding of the UNIA Branch in Swakopmund.

Not only were the ideals of Garveyism spreading in Namibia but the Parent Body also got wind of the activities of the UNIA Namibia. The first formal connection between Namibia and Garveyist organization is said to occur in 1922 when a UNIA delegation was sent to Geneva to petition the League of Nations to turn the former German Colonies over to black leadership (Tony Emmet).

Garvey himself was not disappointed or discouraged by the continued ignorance and silence by the League of Nations and continued steadfastly, in a true combative form to support the cause of South West African Blacks. One such example is in reaction to the aerial attacks against the Bondelswarts (in 1922),

Marcus Garvey had declared on the front page of the Negro World;

‘The Hottentots have no aeroplanes, and because of that the Boers and the British can bomb them out of their holes and huts and ultimately subdue them. But around these American cities and this Western World we have many Negroes who can fly in aeroplanes. Why not build some, and when the Hottentots need aeroplanes to combat aeroplanes, why not give them of our technical ability and help them to put over the big job that all of us want done’
Gregory Pirio

It is befitting to mention here that the hallmark of the early phase of the African liberation was the need to unite in the face of common intruders. The unity of purpose, which was so openly provided by Pan-Afrikanism in the form of UNIA’s ideological nexus, in action for change, heralded the birth of the Modern Namibian Nationalism, giving rise to the emergence of nationalist organizations in the late 1950s and early 1960s.

PAN-AFRIKANISM IN NAMIBIA TODAY

Namibia gained its independence on the 21st of March 1990, ushering in a new wave of democracy and nation-building process. Indeed, the last colony on the African continent had become part of the international community. The challenge for the SWAPO leadership was now to transform the economy which was beset by a myriad of contradictions and inequalities into a modern economy, which is able to respond to the challenges faced by the people. The SWAPO Party government not only concentrated on transforming the education system but also provided the much needed political space, where young people, the majority of them who have not witness war could innovate with new ideas and ideologies.

It was during such time that the Pan-African Students Society (PASS) was formed in 1994 at the University of Namibia by the political science students to enhance the process of dialectics. According to Joshua Kaumbi, the Chairperson of PASS from 1998/9 the aim of the student society was to ‘promote African values and morals; acknowledge and honour the contribution of African men and women towards the advancement of the Pan-African ideas; to organize public lectures and to undertake research on issues affecting Africans at home and in the Diaspora’ (The African Origin of Civilization and the Destiny of Africa: 2000).

PASS was amongst the most vibrant and vocal societies on the campus. It held numerous public lectures and seminars on topics such as Global Politics, International Terrorism, Privatisation of Higher Education etc. It also hoisted the AU flag on the Unam campus. It brought in High Commissioners, Leading African intellectuals and Pan-Afrikan Activists. One memorable event is the co-hosting of the ‘Land Question’ seminar workshop with The Caucus Political Science Club of the University of Namibia in 2000. It was fully attended by high level student segments and High Commissioners from both Britain and Zimbabwe, and agricultural unions.

It was amidst this euphoria that student leaders such as Joshua Kaumbi, Ben Uugwanga and John Pangech decided to organize a first-ever Pan-Afrikan Conference in an independent Namibia together with the resourceful Pan-Afrikanist like the current Prime Minister Cde. Nahas Angula, Cde. Bankie F. Bankie, a devoted Nkrumahist, and Cde. Utoni Nujoma.

‘The African Origin of Civilisation and the Destiny of Africa’ conference was held at the Safari Hotel conference complex, in Windhoek, 24 May 1999 on the eve of the OAU day. This conference attracted a high level political segment, students, and African academics such Prof KK Prah, Dani Nabudere of the Du Bois/Diop Center in Uganda, and Malegapuru Makgoba, amongst others.

After this watershed conference, which was aired live both on NBC TV and Radio, the resolution was then taken to establish a Pan-Afrikan Center in Namibia, which shall mobilize, propagate and disseminate the ideals of Pan-Afrikanism. It was in this collective spirit that the Pan-Afrikan Center of Namibia was established with its first Chairperson being Uazuva Kaumbi. During his tenure PACON has tried rudimentary to attract academics from Diaspora such as Prof. Horace Campbell, Runoko Rashidi. To date the only and probably the biggest project of PACON has been the movie ‘Namibia: The Struggle for Liberation’.

In the year 2005, PASS has also organized a historic first of its kind 17th All Afrika Students Conference (AASC) at the University of Namibia, in smart partnership with Unam, NANSO and National Youth Council. Previously, All Afrika Students Conferences used to take place only at the Caribbean Universities, Canada and the United States of America. Therefore, PASS’s Conference was the real attempt at bringing the students from the Diaspora and Continent to engage on matters of mutual consent. It also tried to harbour notable Pan-Afrikanist such as Omali Yashitela, Chairperson of the Global Afrikan Congress Cikiah Thomas, and Kalenjin.

DID PACON KILL PAN-AFRIKANISM IN NAMIBIA?

This is a question that has been posed because there are serious concerns particularly amongst those who used to frequent the center during its formative years that the Center and more importantly the ideology of Pan-Afrikanism is under threat. In raising this question, we are keenly conscious of the dedication and hard work of those entrusted with the responsibility of PACON although on part-time basis. It is not to be understood that our take is against an individual person because Pan-Afrikanism is beyond that.

In our view, PACON in its entirety was supposed to be a Center for Pan-Afrikan education, teaching, studying, research and preservation of Afrikan history, culture and religion throughout the 13 Regions and beyond.

PACON’s rallying point and purpose was to teach the rich and diverse history and heritage of Afrikan people and their immense contribution to humanity. It should also touch on subjects as diverse as contemporary Afrikan economics and politics, religion, astronomy and science.

PACON as an Afrikan centered institution in Namibia was and is able to organize seminars and presentations to bring much needed educational material to the attention of local people as well as Afrikan people from the Diaspora who on a visit to Namibia should make it their mission to go to PACON, to learn more about their Afrikan culture and heritage. PACON is also important in the sense that it is the only institution of its type in Namibia since 1999/2000 to occupy a Pan-Afrikan agenda and is strategic to offer counter ideology academically, via research to the new anti-establishment organizations and other non-progressive counter revolutionaries. It must also be added that the success of PACON ought only not to be the preserve of Government but indeed it is the Center that our corporate citizens should be availing all the necessary resources to including financial and material support.

The role which PACON has played in the production of Namibia’s first ever internationally acclaimed film based on the life of our National Hero, H.E. Cde. Sam Nujoma, an icon of the Namibian Liberation Struggle, is commendable. However, above all and unfortunately, beyond the film, the activities of PACON have remained largely dormant in the last five years or so. For example, in the year 2006, there was only one Public Lecture that was initiated by our colleague Cde. Henny Seibeb, namely the Annual Sam Nujoma Public Lecture, which was eventually launched by the Founding Father, H.E. Cde. Sam Nujoma.

It is also notable that during the launch of the Annual Sam Nujoma Public Lecture, the Afro-Voice magazine was announced and even launched by the Founding Father with the promised that it shall be an ongoing magazine but up to date nothing came of it and Namibians are still waiting for the publication of the second edition. It is a sordid state of affairs that if we are not vigilant it will be possible that PACON may soon be infiltrated by neo-colonial agents who are hell-bent on decapacitating the institution from inside with the sole aim of surrendering it to the counter-revolutionaries and hogwash voodoo academics.

Today PACON is not able to command the space for which it was created for. It appears also that PACON, or perhaps some individuals, have made the organization to take a complete U-Turn against the ideals of Pan-Afrikanism and attacks its democratic kith and kin, and it seems at present to feed the neo-liberals and other moonlighting political projects, with vital information on our strategy and tactics, which cannot even offer a viable alternative to our people.

It is our wish and hope that the line Ministry and the Pan-Afrikan Students Society (PASS) through the Patron of PACON and other stakeholders would leave no stone unturned in realizing the patriotic ideals of Pan-Afrikanism within the context of Namibia. We call upon the students of the University of Namibia to register in their thousands and rally behind PASS in order to realize this vision.

A worldwide look throughout history will reveal the crucial involvement of students in sparking positive changes. Their success is due to the unique position that they hold in society. Students, with their exposure to wide-ranging information and access to educational tools and resources are better able to develop an understanding of the world lacking among the masses. Students, too, are in a unique position because they, for the most part, have not yet committed themselves to their career jobs. Kwame Ture stated in an address entitled, “Education as a Tool for Liberation”, that the purpose of education is “to lead one out of problems”. Once armed with the educational tools and an understanding of the problem as well as the solution, the student is prepared to use his or her youthful energy to unite with others and struggle for the betterment of all.

The students must engage in the new Pan-Afrikanism of the twenty-second century by taking a progressive stand on environmental issues and state of the world’s ecology and climate change. They must address the utilization of the natural resources of the world; our reliance on petro-chemicals and carbon-based technologies which foul the air and pollute our water; and storage of toxic wastes which shorten our lives of our children.

The Pan-Afrikan Students Society must, in a nutshell, remember that Pan-Afrikanism remains as an essential democratic vision, to deconstruct and uproot the inequalities of racism; to challenge the unpopular capitalist “New World Order” represented by the IMF, the Economic Hit Men and World Bank. Let the former student activists of PASS call a re-union to revitalize this once glorious society and craft its niche.

It is within this context that we are issuing a clarion call to all notable Pan-Afrikanist to mobilize in order to hasten the Pan-Afrikan agenda, amidst the negrophobic attacks that we are witnessing today in South Africa, the ethnic conflicts in Kenya, the derailment of peoples plan to implement emancipatory projects by the Western implanted agents in our eco-systems (economic) and voodoo economic planning by Western consultants to set us back. We must never capitulate and shall resist any attempt to negate us from the revolutionary journey of Pan-Afrikanism.

THE WAY FORWARD: PAN AFRICANISM

In our view, all African countries and peoples must institutionalize Pan-Afrikanism in all facets of their lives. It should also include the deliberate gestures by African leaders (Presidents, former Presidents, Ministers, former Ministers, Permanent Secretaries, CEOs, MDs, Traditional Leaders, Musicians, Artists, etc) to become disciples of this Pan-Afrikanism gospel and for ordinary African peasants to be afforded the opportunity to travel Africa by attending AU or SADC summits etc.

In individual countries it also means that efforts by various African governments should include allowing the people from the north, south, west and east in each country to be on cultural exchanges within the country in the form of Pan African Bus or Cultural Libraries and so forth.

In conclusion, we find it instructive to once more borrow from Motsoko Pheko’s analysis of Pan-Afrikanism in which he draws attention to the lecture of a prominent Nigerian political scientist who reminded participants at the fifth Pan-African Colloquium in Ghana of the historical context of the 'European Renaissance', from which the so-called 'African renaissance' is trying to borrow and transpose its rationale. He pointed out that the 'European Renaissance' was the foundation of slavery, colonialism and racism. Africa has nothing to gain from this decadence, which was responsible for the worst holocaust of the African people in memory.

The inheritors of this inhuman 'renaissance' are still working hard to perpetuate the holocaust of the African people and the underdevelopment of Africa, which they inflicted through slavery, colonialism, apartheid and racism. Today these forces have their Pan-Europeanism through their European Union, making them a powerful economic bloc. They are integrating socially and politically, and working for a borderless Europe.

On the other hand, Africa is wallowing in the quagmire of underdevelopment, poverty, endless border wars, economic domination and the dictatorship of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. This is because African leaders are dragging their feet on the implementation of Pan-Afrikanism and have made Africa a perpetual beggar of foreign 'aid'. Some of these leaders have become agents of neo-liberalism and neo-colonialism, whose instrument is 'globalisation'. Globalisation is just a new form of recolonising the African continent. There will continue to be an ideological and intellectual crisis in the African world until Africans understand Pan-Afrikanism, its value and benefits, and apply it to their many problems.

These include 'foreign debts', reparations, repatriation of African intellectual property from the museums of Europe, lack of continental railroads and air routes, intra-trade, communication and technological development among the African people and states.

The triumph of Pan-Afrikanism is the only way Africans can survive the foreign onslaught and live as a truly liberated people, will come out of the sweat and blood of the African people themselves.

As Dr. Kwame Nkrumah put it:

“Only a united Africa can redeem its past glory, renew and reinforce its strength for the realisation of its destiny. We are today the richest and yet the poorest of continents, but in unity our continent could smile in a new era of prosperity and power.”

Facebook: a sociologist's dream...

Thu, 01 May 2008 10:33:00 EDT

In recent times Facebook has featured much in various prominent journals of the world, hailed as either the most genius concept in virtual social networking or castigated as an impediment to productivity. Either way the debate is testimony to its impact.

Any routine surf on Facebook would reveal people engage it, for various reasons, for me the impulse was prompted by my desire to connect with home, being that for the most part of three years, I have lived outside the country. It is only once this fate befalls you that one understands the craving for all things home, in my case it was for all and anything Namibian. Facebook is the social networking phenomena that it is because, of the brilliant and easy way in which it allows one to connect with the world, a virtual world but nevertheless as interesting. Of course there are many other such brilliant concepts and networking phenomena linked in, Orkut, TIG, Black Planet and Kanvea amongst other are all potential forms of communication and interaction that are changing our world forever. To me they represent a kind of a microcosm of the world also, or in my case of Namibia. Rest assured, that I am relatively grounded and thus do not go about making decision based on what I see and hear on Facebook, but they do give you a sociological insight of Namibia, virtually at least. As a student of sociology, this stuff is for me the new frontier of social anthropology.

As is in real life the virtual Namibia has distinct and separate white and black spheres, with some but almost not enough bridges between the two. One also learns that the majority of the almost 8 000 members in the Namibian network are largely white, owing perhaps to their social-economic advantage. Conspicuously obvious as well is the fact that most Namibians engage the social networking phenomena for just that exactly, social networking. Politics, academia and activism are mainly secondary. linking with old school and university friends is the more savvy option on Facebook. Activities range from the vain, to the admirable, a random look at groups reveals this, Namibians the only drinking champions, Namibian Modelz, Mashaho for life , Jagermeister is King and the like represent the one extreme while politics, books and social causes such as AIDS, and the floods in northern and north eastern Namibia, occupy the distant and miniscule other extreme.

Facebooking it seems is an elitist excess, particularly so, amongst some of the pioneering black users. The young of the nascent and emerging black upper middle class represent a great chunk of the user of the phenomena in Namibia, overlapping with these are also a chunk of Namibian South Africa and western based students. Academic networks of the UCT and Stellenbosch universities reign supreme in the Namibia Country network, a small but growing contingent of China based Namibian students is making it to the fore though.

Whilst the vain is dominant on Facebook, some do use it to engage in a little activism, from saving Darfur to saving the woman of Congo and stopping breast cancer are of the most prominent causes Namibians ascribe to, not many play leading or active roles for such causes and groups though, this is rather telling of the passive nature of some things in Namibia indeed.

I have always been convinced that SWAPO would, have do much work in convincing the emerging academic elite and born free generation in identifying with the ideals of the liberation struggle and indeed with the party itself, how wrong I have been, It seems even with the very young and with the future intelligentsia SWAPO is king.

Gender Equality a intrinsic and moral duty.

Mon, 28 Apr 2008 10:29:00 EDT

News that the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) Ministers responsible for gender have made progress in terms of the final draft of the SADC Gender Protocol is great. Despite numerous successes in the advancement of woman, it is starkly obvious that much more must be done to afford woman the full benefits of our freedom and democracy.

Woman are today in 2008 still twice as unlikely to earn the same salary as man doing the same work, woman continue to lag behind in political influence and form a minute portion of business leadership in our country. Adv Bience Gawanas, Joan Gurriras, Inge Zaamwani, Kamwi, Anne Tandeka Gebhard, Gida Sekandi. Pedukeni Ivula Ithana, Adv Esi Chase, Gwen Lister and the like, are but few notable exceptions in Namibia.

H.E Tbabo Mbeki , President of the Republic of South Africa amongst other at his Freedom day address for 2008 has explained the need for the creation of a new breed of South African, one he says that espouses all that is good. No doubt President Mbeki invokes the notion of racial and social harmony, religious tolerance and a society in which all and everyone benefit from the gains of the broader society. It is paramount that we advance this idea of a better African citizen that understands the role and value of our continents woman.

The emphasis on policy change and creation followed by its prudent implementation is the bedrock of concrete and value laden outcomes in the quest to extend equal opportunity for all.

The advancement of woman should be a central value of the youth development fraternity. and thus we should call through our various organisations for the full and speedy adoption of the Protocol and for its subsequent implementation. This is a categorical imperative in Kantian terms, it is our intrinsic duty rather.

PYU Congress outcomes, what are the key areas for intervention.

Sat, 26 Apr 2008 08:28:00 EDT

Finally, there is light at the end of the tunnel, it has been resolved that the Panafrican Youth Union Congress should take place from 17th to the 20th of June in Brazzaville, Congo.

It is my hope that the Congress shall lead to at least three things, all of which shall in my view lead to a framework for a much improved and strengthened organisation. Plus shall lead to better cohesion in the often confusing and muddled youth development sector of Africa.

1. There should be a mechanism for the inclusion of civil society youth organisation. This is an often confusing subject, because of the deliberate misinformation that exist on what National Youth Council are and how they should be constituted. National Youth Council is the generic term we use to describe National Youth Platforms in Africa, at the moment we estimate that there are 35 entities that resemble this. This is based on the fact that they are broad based, democratic, youth lead and focused organisations. There should be no pseudo or real dichotomy based on ‘pro government national youth councils’ and ‘non government national youth councils’, this in my view is absurdity of a degree I cannot even begin to fathom. The simple formula is democratic broad based youth organisation for each country, which ever way it is codified nationally is the affair of that country. If our experience in the future teaches are that there are flaws in the above arrangement then we should endeavour to change that. That being the case, the question then is how we bring into the fray those organisation that are not national platforms but whom do good work on the continent. Provided they meet certain criteria, which I hope will be clearly spelled out in Brazzaville.
bOrganisations such as the african Burea of the Souts,YWCA,YMCA, the IUSY, WFDY and AISIEC members in Africa amongst others, for example should be able to join the PYU as members.

2. There must be discussion of funding the programs and secretariat (professional not political) of the Union, there is no we there can exist expectation of a dynamic and vibrant youth formation in Africa if we do not talk about how to fund it, we have ignored this aspect of the issue for far to long and whether one likes it or not it is the key most critical hole in the Issue. How do we run a HQ with programs and ability to respond to the resolutions of both the Congress and Executive committee if we don’t think about a core resource base? Of course once we have competent and experienced staff we will be able to expand this resource base by attracting donor and program funding. There is no chicken or egg scenario like some argues there must be a budget before there are outcomes full stops.

3. The Union must expand it operational base. It is obviously not ideal for us to be based in the furthest most northern part of the continent, consider for example the fact that there are not many connections by flight between the various regions save perhaps with East Africa. Even basic things like phone calls and sending faxes can be complicated and rather expensive; it then becomes necessary for us to think of ways in which we can expand our operations and visibility. One of the obvious ways to do so, would be for this Congress to resolve to have and maintain a liaisons Bureau in Addis Ababa (Nairobi, or Jo’burg at the least preferably Addis) this is to allow the organisation proximity to Panafrican political institutions and the donor community. The bulk of our efforts are advocacy and should perhaps be research based, we can best achieve this by having some form of regular contact with the stated entities, plus the city(ies) are well connected to all other major hubs by air. We then don’t have to engage in this impasse of whether to move the head office or not.

Of course there are other pieces to the puzzle that are missing but these are the once that in my experience will be necessary to plug these gapping holes in our existing operations.

Zimbabwe ????

Sat, 26 Apr 2008 07:16:00 EDT

I was stunned this morning by a flurry of emails, both holding me complicit and riling me to action in respect to the Zimbabwe (yes I am saying it) crisis.

I have no doubt that the email where enthused by Elia Ngurare, the SWAPO Party Youth League’s (SPYL) Secretary statement in which it is purported that he amongst other restated the league’s solidarity with President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, by opposing and condemning talk of regime change in Zimbabwe. Perhaps those who know of my association to the SPYL, as a member of its Central Committee thought it prudent to scold me for the statement made by Comrade Ngurare.

It was then unbearable considering the degree empathy that many have with Zimbabwe an her people that I had to write back to many and say, that after having read accounts of the statement, that I am inclined to agree with comrade Ngurare. I must stress my affinity to his call is borne from my interpretation of his statement in as far as it relates to regime change. In actual fact it would be hypocritical of me not to support his words considering my own, at the opening ceremony of the SPYL Congress in August 2007 when I inter alia said ’Regime change doctrine, is an untenable practice, young people must remain vigilant against, it in all its nascent forms.’ Having said that and still holding that value as a fundamental principle of my political inclining, it would now seem ludicrous for me to find fault in Ngurare’s statement.

An Iraq style invasion of Zimbabwe or any outside military and economic force is an untenable, and off the table in my view it is a non starter to put it bluntly. It cannot and will not be viable. It will be a complete turning on its head of codified Public International law and practice. Zimbabwe’s sovereignty belongs to Zimbabweans alone, just as does Namibia’s. This does not mean that SWAPO, the Youth League, me included should not care about Zimbabwe and are not worried by the unprecedented state of affairs. There is no amount of spin that anyone can use to convince me that the hording of results in Zimbabwe by whom ever is not an anomaly, it is.

MDC has in the last few days and not for the first time called amongst other regime change, and Milliband the British Foreign Secretary has hinted at such sentiment as well. This is unfortunate considering the moral authority the MDC now enjoys on release of election results. Zimbabweans are not docile weaklings that they are sometimes made out to be, thus they should be encouraged to engage the full spectrum of the political space to find a solution to the current impasse, which is a bit deeper than many assume.

The election result anomaly aside, Zimbabweans have historical challenges that, I think contribute towards the current political, military and economic gridlock, but the democratic will of the people untimately has to prevail.

Kitchen sink Politics?

Sat, 26 Apr 2008 07:10:00 EDT

President Pohamba of Namibia has recently been castigated for his Judas Iscariot statement made at a SWAPO Party rally, The President has since then taken back his words and has since measured his speeches at political rallies. To me the president's analogy was not out of step and was fair game in both in the context of Hamutenyas’s betrayal of the party trust and in the political traditions of the world.

It irks we how we have to be reminded by liberals amongst other, of how our statements, positions and actions don’t fit with in the accepted (liberal) norms. I am not a Damned liberal and the strangle hold they have on Namibian public is frightening considering they do not have the political support to back that up, instead they rile us to order with threats of investor confidence and weekly barrage of columns, scaring many a folk back into line.

This is bull, how dare you tell the SWAPO Party President who simply expressed a broadly held view in the SWAPO Party, that it had been betrayed by a trusted Cadre, Consider that he has on many occasion reassured people that he would not leave the party, he sat as a representative of the SWAPO masses in parliament, spoke on their behalf, whist planning to betray this trust, I doubt whether there is a more fitting analogy.

After all a few days after, I heard American democratic strategist James Carville call Governor Richardson Judas Iscariot, for deciding to endorse Sen Obama over Sen Clinton. Surely these where dubiouos circumstances under which to do so, considering he made a democratic choice within his own party. But the liberal political established in America found this acceptable. Mr Carville has refused to apologise for that statement and has in recent days further called Gov Richardson’s more recent views as Idiocy.

If you cants stand the heat they say, get out of the kitchen.

crisis in the Global economy?

Tue, 15 Apr 2008 09:05:00 EDT

It fascinating how little young people in parts of the world care or are aware of the looming global economic crisis, and how that might lead to decreased global stability and security.

The SWAPO Party Youth League of course has addressed the issue some time ago, specifically in relation to the unprecedented and astronomic price increases for food and other basic commodities. It called for amongst, relief measures such as price caps and subsidies. I expected these progressive suggestions to be followed by a flurry of supportive sentiments instead of the current quixotic fetishism with Zimbabwe.

We have seen over the last few months commodity rise related violence in Haiti, Mozambique, Burkina Faso, Egypt, Cameroon and many other places, we can be assured more are to come. As we speak the Electricity Control Board of Namibia is about to announce whopping price increment for Electricity tariffs, consider the already debilitating fuel and food prices and then imagine the impact on the rural poor. Frightening!!!.

All of the above and many unfortunate occurrences point to the fact that the poor of the world are under attack, from whom is a obvious rebut, why and how this plight of the global poor can be mitigated is a more complex and is unlikely to produce consensus. The US Government yesterday unveiled a paltry US$ 200 million aid package to contribute towards the alleviation of the global food crisis. The IMF I am told is likely to come up with measures of it own in due time, how prudent and robust they will prove to be, can only be tested by time.

But what is clear is that, we as the small and poor countries of the world have to relook our economic models. Industrialization cannot precede food security and agricultural growth, of course they can be co pursued but the overall move away from the agricultural economy will have catastrophic impact on our ability to feed ourselves. Certainly my views are somehow understating the complexity of the issues and have not taken into account the impact of tariffs and subsidies from Europe and America on African produce as well as the increased incentives to grow Ditropha and Soya instead of food for example. Whilst even, where food is grown, it has become more prudent to do so for fuel rather than for sustenance, and further consider the absurdity that people now have to compete with cattle for wheat and other cereal.

The times we live in are akin to perhaps, to only the great depression of the 1930 s.

Pandeni, Bessinger, Gertse and Murangi

Wed, 26 Mar 2008 05:33:00 EDT

The last two weeks has seen the country robbed of some amazing personalities. Pandeni, Bessinger, Gertse, and Murangi have all in their own contributed towards the society that we have managed build in the last 18 years. Many of us as young people tend to be a little removed from politics and are little able to contextualize the sum of individual courage and activism that lead to the personal and economic freedoms some of us have been able to attain.
Many are not able to link how Pandeni, along with the indefatigable defender of workers rights Petrus Ilonga where able to subvert South Africa’s morally baseless rule over Namibia, How Bessinger’s tact and charm where able to sway many against supporting minority colonial oppression and apartheid in favor of democracy, rule of law and independence.
We cannot ignore, that it might have been that one subversive act or union meeting lead by Pandeni that lead to a specific moment that through some divine interfacing of providence and opportunity lead to a further decisive blow in furthering of our independence or how that one meeting with the media or that extra Rand raised by Bessinger, some how just might have proved the final impetus needed to strike yet a other blow to the colonialist resolve.
By chance of history many of us have not been able to contribute in as basic a form as throwing a stone at a Kasspir or to have been so magnanimous and give the ultimate sacrifice of having been a liberation fighter. But providence today serves us the opportunity to at least remember and honor the stone throwers, the activist and the soldiers of the struggle. It is an easy enough task that we cannot not but succeed in.

Namibia: The Struggle for Liberation

Wed, 19 Mar 2008 07:30:00 EDT

This posting will focus s on my impression of the aesthetic elements of the film rather than a review of the story line, history and politics, such a review will follow during the course of the week.

I finally got to see the final cut of the movie Namibia The struggle for Liberation, the rough cut I had seen before seemed to me a more convincing action filled production than the rather drawn out final cut.
Nevertheless the film does have much more plusses than demerits, it is no art house affair that is for sure, but the film will go along way in healing the scars of the liberation struggle and ad to honor the memory of the men and women who lead the liberation struggle to its conclusion. The film amongst other honors Nujoma, Castro, ya Toivo, Mungunda and Kutako, many protagonists are not named but any routine observer of history would pick up the nuances. Amongst the names invoked in the course of the film are Marcus Garvey, Du Bois, Padmore and Ahmed Ben Bella.

The film tells in a poignant fashion the tale of the struggle for dignity and self determination through the eyes of Nujoma, the film has several overlapping themes including a romance between a young Nujoma and the graceful Theopoldine Tjombonde, some rather well shot war scenes, comedy, and its indulgence In philosophical sophistry around friendship, loyalty and betrayal.
The best element of the film is the story it conveys, artistic excellence was certainly not a priority for the director and the films artistic shortcomings are saved by the, at times brilliant cinematography and superb editing. Some of the acting is rather dull, included here are scenes depicting the United Nations discussion on the Namibian trusteeship, the old location protest. It would seem the long drawn out shooting and budget constraints where evident in some scenes as some of the locations and decor lack depth.

Christian Appolus is however the star of the effort, his co PLAN protagonist whose name eludes me now, does a stellar job as well, as does Joel Hailkali. Contrary to Augetto Craig’s review, I though Danny Glover did a Fantastic Job and was pretty consistent in his characterization, Carl lunbley was much less convincing, when speaking in a calmer tone his mimicking of Nujomas voice is almost precise, it is the more depth requiring characterizations that fail him. The hot headed portrayal of Nujoma did not cut it with me, rather, the director should have been looking for passion and determination, instead of cringe inducing shouting.

Lastly, the opening scenes is rather drawn out and seeks I suppose to give the viewer some insight into the conditions and values that shaped Nujoma, but it does so unconvincingly, rather than regurgitate scenes from the book, I thought the writers would have been better off using a more original and shorter scenario to induce the same effect. At times the crowd would bust into bouts of laughter not because of any funny writing but because almost all Namibians would recognize one or another actor. Local comedian and Winna Mariba presenter, Neville Basson’s appearance did so most readily.

Circular reasoning....

Tue, 18 Mar 2008 08:47:00 EDT

Not that I would wish to engage in a public debate with NANTU (The Namibian National Teachers Union) In cyberspace, but their latest attacks on the decision of the government to reverse its grade 10 promotion policy is flawed and so out of character, I felt compelled to engage with the current flurry of negative sentiment, to this seemingly good intentioned policy.
Perhaps it the manner in which the original news article was drafted that is the cause of my consternation, but if for argument sake, we take the article to be correct then the notion that government is setting it self up for failure by engaging in this change of policy, is defeatist and has no sense of perspective on what the greater issue is here.
To my mind the risk of implementation failure is overshadowed by the fact that government and society have concluded that the social predicament caused by the lack of access to higher education in Namibia is at odds with our vision of a socially just and progressive nation. NANTU as part of the progressive element of the political space in our country should naturally share this vision, not because that is what the Party expects of it, but because it is the right thing to do. I am convinced that any measure will lead the union to that conclusion, even its own tradition ideological propensity for scientific socialism is at ods with this new stance.
Ideology aside, it is surprising to see how NANTU’s position fails to consider the opportunities for the country and its own members in the governments shift, considering the significant amount of money that is to be invested into the erection of new infrastructure and new teaching post. The some 300 million Namibian dollars in additional appropriation to the implementation of the policy is a significant sum of money that would go along way in making the implementation of this provision possible. So it is not as if government and proponents of the policy shift have not anticipated the challenges, they surely must have, considering both the number of years the debate has lurched in the public space and the various studies including by the Commission on Educational Reform, which NANTU was the vice chair of.
My consternation with NANTU’s statement does not end there but continues with the further assumption made by NANTU that it’s is discriminatory for the policy to only apply to grade 10 that have failed in 2007.
Now lest take stock of the sum of the assertions made, it claims firstly that the government is not In a position to handle the plethora of problems that is expected with this change in policy, it then asserts that its is discriminatory to only allow grade 10 failing in 2007 to repeat. The logic is frighteningly diametrically opposed, in the first statement NANTU question the practicality of the move and then in the latter then says that the measure put in place to make the measure implementable is flawed.
Here is my take on the decision to be prudent with the reintegration of out of school grade 10’s, gradual reintegration is the right basis for the implementation of the decision, because it is not possible to reintegrate the sheer volumes of out of school grade 10 in one go. The accrued number of out of school youths starting from the date of implementation of the dropout policy, would be some 100 000 young people, even if the few that have passed through NAMCOl and VTC’s is taken from this sum. Surely NANTU would no want such mass chaos.

James Webb for Veep.

Wed, 12 Mar 2008 07:53:00 EDT

The last two weeks have been inundated with suggestions from the Clinton campaign that they think Obama would make a great Veep, he has come out this week dismissing such a notion, and rightly so. Understandably this was a fine balancing act for Obama considering he had to do so without dismissing such a ticket in the eventuality he is not the party’s nominee. A sly but tactical move from the Clinton machine nevertheless.
Regardless, the debate raises interesting questions about possible veep’s both for Clinton and Obama., both of whom have to think carefully and boldly about possible running mates. For Clinton her challenge in choosing a Veep would be to restore the broken trust amongst the Clintons and the powerful Black wing of the Democratic Party. President Clinton’s South Carolina remarks and the campaigns Texas red phone add, have shattered the notion of Pres Clinton as the first Black President, a notion that was popularized to play on his close links to African Americans. So for Clinton this trust must be restored, it is genuine that she might really consider Obama for Veep, John Edwards is another possible contender if Clinton clinches this nomination.
Obama’s biggest challenge would be the fact that he would be challenging a multiple term senator with war credential and who has an impeccable moral record and who has a history of thinking independently on important issues. Jim Webb in my view can counter McCain’s war hero appeal, Webb has been Secretary of the Navy in the Bush administration and is a published author, who beat one time presidential hopefully and vastly popular conservative George Allen for the Virginia seat. He is also a decorated war hero and respected in general amongst military folk. He also has strong links with the Vietnamese community, significant considering, that in a primary that has been this close, one might have to cover all ones bases just incase the general election in the US is a close one as well. An Obama/Webb ticket would be all that and more.
It would be a reflection of the changing times in the US social and demographic structure and it would give two rising stars of the democratic party a real opportunity to change the course of American politics. One cautionary note is that democrats these days seem to be extremely hawkish when it comes to free trade and renegotiating standing agreements. Inevitably talk of bringing back outsourced jobs and renewed focus on the middle class in America, both of which Web and Obama are incisive proponents of. Ultimately this means an agenda based on keeping jobs at home, which has an air of protectionism about it. This does not bode well for India, Mexico, China and Europe specifically and for member states of Mercusor and the WTO in general. For us In the developing world it could spell the ultimate end of the Doha development round., no need for alarm, perhaps the campaigns have already had secret meetings with your countries consular representative , dispelling this, as campaign rhetoric .
That’s my 2 cents worth of punditry for the day.

Free state's traped mind...

Mon, 03 Mar 2008 10:36:00 EST

Many South African and Namibians where probably not as shocked as the rest of the world is right now over the University of Free state's sad but real state of crisis. To many of us that live in still racialized societies it is but again another instance of the race based dehumanization.

I wish to use this debate to invoke a seemingly outdated argument in that 17 years in case of Namibia and 14 in the case of South Africa are minuscule in the broader historicity of race and transformation thinking.
Both Namibia, South Africa and perhaps Zimbabwe have much repairing to do, in respect to the damage done by years of settler institutionalized racism, it bothers me that many argue that some 14, 17 or 26 years after independence and democratization these societies would be free of this corruption of justice. Racism and discrimination in Namibia South Africa and all most certainly all over Africa was legally codified and socially acceptable until just 14 years ago. certainly it is not reasonable to ague that policy aimed at restoring the economic and social dignity of Africans is not needed is flawed, if it took in the case of South Africa some three hundred years to embed apartheid, where is the sense then in the argument that this history of institutionalized racism and all its vestiges would be erased in 14 years after its legal decodification.
No where is it more apparent than in our places or worship and study that racism is strong and vibrant. In Namibia for example Lutherans are divided into German only and African branches. In South Africa state funded universities have white only residences for students and still insist on Afrikaans as mediums of instruction. In America after some hundred plus years of slavery, not even twelve acres ad a mule where an acceptable restitution for slavery , think about that for moment, it was too much of a price to pay slaves I mule and a petty 12 acres of land. Another 100 years would be needed o give blacks a vote and full right, to my mind continued objection to restorative action is in itself unjust to African and their descendents around the world.

OBAMAMania..............

Sat, 23 Feb 2008 06:57:00 EST

While watching MSNBC Hardball hosted by the indefatigable Chris Mathews this morning, I was yawning a little after the umptieth Obama related story.

I think i have reached the stage where i am starting to ask what in concrete terms Obama's possible election to the White House means for the Hundreds of Millions of Black folk around the world, i cant help but wonder whether it does not have its disadvantages.

Might it not just occur that Obama would be so adamant that he is not the "Black Interest president" that his administration might take a squinter look at African and African American issues.

Another concern of mine is how much black folk around the world have vested emotionally into the certainty that he will win, imagine the backlash... it has potential for utter and mass disappointment. Once again there would probably be a wave of black depression following such an event. OMG if anything I hope he wins just so that I won’t have to see that kind of universal black rage. LA riots” se moer” the Obama riots will be the MOTHER of all riots.

Visioning....

Sat, 23 Feb 2008 06:38:00 EST

Asked recently what my ideal vision for the PYU was, i said amongst other the following

# Enhancing its visibility.
# An efficient and able secretariat
# A Pan African organization that has global reach and influence.
# Making the PYU the key reference point for youth issues on the continent.
# Creating a programs division that can respond to the real needs of its members and African youths in general in concrete and meaningful ways.
# and creating a new breed of political leaders that put the welfare and advancement of the organization and of youth in general before themselves.

easier said than done, right?

it just amazes me far behind we lag in what sometimes seem as relatively easy to accomplish expectations, sometimes the crisis isn't the lack of ability and resource to achieve but the lack of consensus to act...

peace

Mandela

Criticism, criticism and more criticism...

Thu, 21 Feb 2008 11:25:00 EST

I have come to know that criticism is a present element particularly in public service, more importantly I have come to accept it as fair game. Any person that serves in an elective position has to accept that at some stage ones decision and actions will come under the spotlight. It is only natural that some will not take too kindly to the decision one makes and that at times such decisions may have real and adverse impact on those one serves.
In recent times the Pan African Youth Union to which I am associated and play a leading role in, have come under tremendous pressure; I have noted consternation from the development community, youth organization, governments and young people in general. Much of the displeasure has been the inability of the PYU to open itself up to those outside its fray and its aged leadership. For all of which I have my personal views, which I do not find wise to share on this platform.
Nevertheless I am struck by how even when it recently become apparent the enormous challenges the PYU faces, how little talk has been devoted to responses to deal with this fate. It has been revealed too the Conference of African Youth Ministers for example how understaffed, underfunded and under supported the PYU has been. The negativity unfortunately does not solve the issue. Raising the already known problems unfortunately does not scare away the problem
In the Namibian instance for example, when it become apparent to us in at the start of the centaury the fate of the union, we asked ourselves how we could get involved and how the problem should be addressed, we realized for example that no congress had been held sine 1996, we offered to host one in 2003 and did so successfully, we have since then made sure our dues where paid up and that we have send representatives to each of the meetings of the Union, we are confident that our contributions in many of the discussions around strengthening the union have lead to its current relative vitality.
It is this approach I think that would be most useful in dealing with this apparent crisis. I must add that the significant interest from Nigeria, Sudan , Mali, Tunisia , South Africa and some others has been progressive, we can not change the world or things around us if we shout from a distanced , we have to get involved in the intricacies of the crisis and part of improving the situation. I was struck by for example how one minister suggested that we should approach development partners in the west to fund the PYU, of course in the broader partnership framework such a suggestions makes sense but when we are told only 6 or so countries pay dues then the solution does not lie in Europe. Unfortunately in this whole debate many of the arguments have been delusional and selfish and not in the interest of the organization

Euro African Cooperation

Tue, 18 Dec 2007 08:18:00 EST

The last year has seen an exciting array of activities in persuance of the goal of enhancd Afro Eropean relations.
Amongst other events held were the Euro African Bussines Summit, African European Civil Society Summit, The Summit of African and European Trade Unions aswell as the much hyped Euro African Youth Summit and of course the apex of the procces with the Summit of Heads of State from the tow continents.

The summits are now over and the question on what concrete outcomes we can expect reckon. its perhaps a frivolous question, but one that needs to be probed.

Many of you, whome have attended the Youth Summit would have recognised that the EPAs were a very prominent agenda from the african delagtes. It is perhaps overzealous to expect that our recomendations would be taken seriously. Amongst other the recomedations have taken an activist aproach in dealing seriously with the question of the Econimic Partneship Agreements , it lacked depth, clarity and feasible alterntives to current trade debate.

this aside there where coherently cogent proposals in respect to the MDGs, African European Youth Cooperation and so forth, so much so that the challenge really only lay with our abilty to foster tabgible cooperation and partnership.

i aint having it, if it has fish in it!

Thu, 25 Oct 2007 08:26:00 EDT

Push to Entice Namibians with Fish
Thursday, 25th of October 2007

By Petronella Sibeene (New Era)

WINDHOEK

THE Minister of Fisheries and Marine Resources Dr Abraham Iyambo recently held a meeting with the fishing industry and some members of the public to exchange views on how Namibians could incorporate fish into their daily diet.

Despite being endowed with abundant fish, Namibia, commonly known to be a meat eating country, struggles to get its people to appreciate and consume what the Atlantic Ocean has to offer. Namibians consume only less than 10 percent of this nutritious source of food.

Paradoxically, the biggest consumers of Namibian fish are people in European countries.

Unlike in other countries with coastlines such as Mozambique where there are controls on fish prices, Namibians do not benefit from such regulations, resulting in fish and marine products priced beyond the pockets of consumers in the lower income bracket.

Iyambo on Monday said that 17 years after independence, people’s attitude towards fish eating had not changed much, with the high number of gout sufferers evidence of this.

In 1994, Government set up the Namibia Fish Consumption Trust in an effort to promote the consumption of fish throughout the country while imparting skills on how to prepare different types of fish cuisine.

Apart from promotion, there are no other incentives such as a government subsidy or lower prices for fish eaters.

During the meeting, Iyambo said it emerged that there is no fish in Namibian shops, both inland and at coastal areas. However, the few shops that sell fish offer it at exorbitant prices that are unaffordable to most Namibians.

“We living in Walvis Bay and Lüderitz, feel as if we do not live close to the sea, as there is no fish for Namibians in the shops. If it is there, then it is unnecessarily expensive,” remarked one resident of Walvis Bay.

Walvis Bay residents further lamented that the price of fish on the Namibian coast is no different from that in towns far from the ocean.

He gave an example of 30 kilogrammes of mackerel that sells at between N$188 and N$200. The price, he added, goes as high as N$300 or more. A box of hake fillet costs as much as N$150, a price that Iyambo said, was too high.

A box of mackerel, the minister said, cost N$75 three years ago.

“We should make more fish available at affordable prices, but we should not kill the businesses,” the minister said.

The public also complain of poor quality and a lack of variety of fish.
The market offers mainly maasbanker (horse-mackerel), dentex, and ‘baby’ hake.

During the meeting industry representatives said they sell fish at low prices but the middlemen increase the prices unnecessarily to maximize their profit.
They expressed a willingness to work with the ministry to ensure improved fish supply to Namibian consumers.

Industry representatives further said cultural habits have contributed to people’s lack of interest in consuming fish, a highly protein rich food.

The industry has made efforts to supply fish to individuals and companies for resale but many have closed down because the market seems to be unsupportive.

The minister requested the industry to come up with a plan explaining how they will make fish easily available, and how it can lure the public into becoming regular fish consumers.

“We will still engage with the industry in order to find a lasting solution,” the minister added.

General Manager of Namibia Fish Consumption Trust at Swakopmund Kaire Kandjavera said in an earlier interview that the Trust has encouraged Namibians to become fish consumers through its awareness campaigns countrywide.

He said that only through aggressive marketing promotions coupled with fish farming projects could it draw Namibians into becoming regular fish eaters.
Estimates of fish consumption five years ago stood at a relatively low rate of 10 kg of fish per person every year.

This was considered far less than the levels of fish eating found in other major fish producing regions like Asia and the Nordic countries where fish consumption was in the range of 20-30 kg, and Japan at around 60 kg per person annually.

Reasons sometimes given for the low level of fish consumption are the uninhabited status of the coastline, the excellent Namibian beef and unavailability of fresh fish on local markets.

Interestingly, statistics show that the country exports 98 percent of its fish to Europe, Asia and Africa. This translates into an estimated 600 000 metric tonnes of fish.

This ultimately means that Namibian fish has become part of the menu on dinner tables all over the world.

The country exports hake to Europe, orange roughy to the United States, tuna and rock lobster to Japan and horse- mackerel to West Africa.

Domestic fish consumption has slowly picked up over the years, largely due to the concerted countrywide promotional drive by Government and the Namibia Fish Consumption Promotion Trust. Yet the question remains - how affordable is fish to Namibians?

Namibian political History :Part 3 By B.F Bankie

Mon, 14 May 2007 08:05:00 EDT

…Whites claim they support the new order, but they don’t and stay away in droves from state functions on national days. An uneasy social compact prevails.White economic hegemony is maintained with the tacit approval of international finance capital, which finances the Namibian system.

On the part of the Africans – they are consumed by their pre-occupations around class formation. So much so that they are prepared to squabble and fight in the full glare of international opinion. All of which had lead to a certain kleptomania, so that the state in 2006 set up an Anti-Corruption Commission, to put a lid-on wanton accumulation by the elites. The majority of the black population remains marginalized and poor.

After 1918, with the ending of the First World War South West Africa / Namibia was administered by South Africa under a C Mandate of the League of Nations on behalf of Great Britain. Rather than looking after the welfare of the people of the territory South Africa sought to annex the territory and exploit its resources. Due to the global configuration of the times no power intervened to rectify this injustice. As late as the 1980’s President Ronald Reagan in the USA, supported by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in the UK, saw nothing wrong with the pursuit of what was called ‘constructive engagement’, which in effect meant support for the apartheid state.

African nationalism / Pan Africanism made its first appearance in South West Africa / Namibia with the arrival of the Universal Negro Improvements Association (UNIA) and the African Communities League (ACL), which were launched in Lüderitz in 1921. In 1919 the UNIA had sent Commissioners to the Versaille Conference in an unsuccessful attempt to influence the fate of the German colonies and to bring in African leadership. Emmett ( Emmett 1988) admits that the Pan-African ideas of Garvey had impact on the political development of what was to become

Namibia

. The historian Zed Ngavirue acknowledges a direct Africanist link between the thinking of Garvey and the ideological direction of SWAPO Party. He makes the connection between the colours of the UNIA and those of SWAPO. Emmett states that at the end of 1921 the Lüderitz Branch of the UNIA had a membership of 311. Both the political and social needs of the members were taken care of by the Association. By January 1922 the Windhoek Branch of the UNIA was fully functional. Members included such distinguished persons as Hosea Kutako, Aaren Mungunda, Clemence Kapuuo and others who became outstanding figures in Namibian public life. Both Nama people and Ovahereros joined the Windhoek Branch. The Namibian variant of Garveyism found place in the Transkei, in South Africa in the person of Washington Buthelezi, who activated the political conscientization of the likes of Walter Sisulu, amongst others in South Africa.

In 1922 the Bondelswarts, a Nama clan, rebelled, followed in 1925 by the uprising of the Rehoboth Basters. This amounted to a rebellion against South African colonial encroachment. Unlike the experience in 1904-8 a new spirit of unity – of African nationalism – was evident. New forms of political thinking and organization had developed with a realization of the need for African unity / nationalism in the face of a militaristic intruder. This was the consequence of the infusion of Garvey’s ideas of Pan-Africanism. African Nationalism was germinated and would ultimately result in an armed struggle for African liberation. Whereas the general popular uprising inspired by Garveyism never happened, no previous set of political ideas had the impact that Garveyism had in the country and elements of Africanism remain deeply rooted in Namibian politics. This distinguishes Namibia from its neighbour South Africa. SWAPO President, H.E. Sam Nujoma is an ardent Pan Africanist and it was these sentiments which lead Namibia along with its allies Angola and Zimbabwe, to intervene militarily in the

Democratic Republic of the Congo

in the late 1990’s, when that country was invaded. During the long years of armed struggle SWAPO was steadfast in its support for Pan Africanism. It drew important support during the period from the Liberation Committee of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The early conscientization of Nujoma came from Garveyism.

Emmett states that the thinking which led to ‘rebelliousness’ at the Center and the South, also effected the North of the country, as witnessed by acts of Ipumbu, King of the Ukuambi Ovambos. In the event the fire power and general military capacity of the local people could not match that of the South African Administration (e.g. aircraft) and there matters rested for half a century, whereafter armed struggle was re-instituted leading to national ‘independence’.

After the Second World War, in 1946 the General Assembly of the United Nations (UN) rejected a South African proposal to incorporate the territory into the Union of South Africa and recommended that the territory be placed under the International Trusteeship System. The Union of South Africa insisted that the mandate had expired with the dissolution of the League of Nations, thus seeking to incorporate the territory as a fifth province of the Union. South Africa’s mandate to administer the territory was terminated by the United Nations General Assembly Resolution of 1966. In 1971 the continued occupation of Namibia by South Africa was declared illegal by the International Court of Justice.

In 1962 the Odendaal Commission of Inquiry was established by South Africa to recommend a plan for the development of Namibia, particularly its people of colour. Its report came out in 1963 arguing for the separate development of blacks, coloureds and whites. This was implemented in the territory in the form of a nascent Bantustan system, dividing the country along ethnic lines. The best land was reserved for the whites and the rest divided up amongst the blacks. In Southern Africa the North American classification of ‘one drop’ equaling black, does not apply. The Apartheid classification ‘coloured’ being of mixed race, is seen apart and different from black, more so in the Namibian case than seen for instance, in the Cape Province of South Africa. The amount of integration and blending of coloured and black in

Namibia

after independence has been virtually nil. Indeed within one year of independence the town of Rehoboth, capital of the coloured Bantustan sort to succeed from the Republic, which move was restrained by the deployment of troops around the house of the ‘Kaptein’ of the Rehoboth Basters clan. The ethnic system which was put in place in Namibia was to be duplicated within the borders of South Africa itself.

The liberation struggle - aborted

By the 1960’s armed struggle was generally adopted as the method of opposition by the liberation forces of Southern Africa. Hopes by Namibians that the outside world would help them were dashed in 1966 when the International Court of Justice passed a judgment, which established clearly that the South West Africa Peoples Organization (SWAPO) would have to fight if self government was to be achieved in the country.

On the 26^th August 1966 the first armed engagement took place in South West Africa / Namibia at Omgulumbashe in the North of the country between SWAPO and the South African army. The armed struggle was initiated to achieve freedom, not ‘independence’ – being an intermediary stage, which Nkrumah called ‘ neo-colonialism ‘. Later the significance of these different categories of sovereignty was to become clear.

Of the various tendencies in the politics of liberation in South West Africa / Namibia only one took an armed expression, thus was SWAPO formed in 1960. Apart from SWAPO the other group which claimed liberation credentials was the South West Africa National Union (SWANU) which was formed in 1959, having the backing of the Herero Chiefs’ Council, in the person of Chief Hosea Kutako.

In order to contextualise the accession of Namibia to self government it is, at this point, necessary to introduce the regional and international scenario. In August 1965 the first Cuban volunteers arrived in Africa to support the Congo Government in Brazzaville and the struggle of People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA).

In 1974 Portuguese colonialism collapsed under the combined impact of the overthrow of the fascist Lisbon dictatorship and the rising freedom movements in Angola, Mozambique, Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde, which sort full sovereign status for these territories, which were considered integral departments of metropolitan Portugal. On the 10^th of January 1975 the Alvor Agreement was signed by Portugal establishing a transitional government in Angola, with independence set for 11^th November of that year. In October 1975 South Africa invades Angola from South West Africa / Namibia. On the 5^th November 1975 at the request of the MPLA the Cuban Communist Party sent a battalion of Cuban troops on urgent basis to Angola. As stated by the Cuban leader ‘…to help the Angolan patriots resist the invasion of the South African racists…’ ( Deutschmann 1989). On 10^th December at the First Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba, Castro announced the presence of Cuban troops in Angola, explaining ‘We are a Latin-African nation…African blood flows through our veins’ (Deutchmann 1989). Cuba sent the troops necessary for the MPLA in Angola to win its war against armed invading elements supported by non-African powers. Some 60% or more of the Cuban soldiers your author saw in Luanda, Angola in the period 1984-6 were of African descent.

When the Cuban internationalists arrived in Angola foreign interventionists from Congo / Kinshasa were 25 kilometres North of Luanda and were shelling the suburbs. The South African army had penetrated 700 kilometres inside the Southern Angolan border from South West Africa / Namibia. Thus the Cuban Internationalist role began in Southern Africa, which was ultimately to lead to self government in Namibia and South Africa, what Deutschmann calls ‘Changing the history of Africa’. Fidel Castro (Deustchmann 1989) the Cuban leader made it clear that Cuba’s involvement in Southern Africa was its decision, not that of the Soviet Union (USSR).

Originally Headquartered in Tanzania SWAPO had moved its headquarters to Lusaka in 1968. Throughout the 1970’s thousands of Namibians voted with their feet, going into exile to join SWAPO, which also had an internal wing in the country, which was under constant South African surveillance and harassment.

The main SWAPO settlement was in Southern Angola, at a place called Cassinga. Other health and education facilities existed elsewhere in Angola and Zambia. In 1978 South African troops attacked Cassinga killing over 600 of its inhabitants. The Cassinga massacre was the single most murderous engagement in the Namibian armed struggle.

In the Special Namibian Supplement to the issue of the journal ‘New African’ of November 2003, SWAPO President Sam Nujoma is quoted as follows:-

‘You see, in 1982, eight years before independence, the British and the Americans had formulated and imposed on us the so-called Constitutional Principles document to favour the interest of individual white settlers who by ‘hook or by crook’ had acquired Namibian land during the colonial era. I want to emphasize here that the inclusion in our Constitution of a clause concerning commercial lands, the so-called ‘willing seller, willing buyer’ clause, which serves to perpetuate the status quo of inequity in land distribution in Namibia, was never in line with SWAPOs position in addressing the land question. This clause has resulted in the current land problem we have in the country’

Namibia

’s future, in as much as liberation from South African settler colonialism was concerned, was co-joined with Angola and Cuba. The last move of SWAPO before its headquarters returned to Windhoek, was to Angola. On the 10^th September 1986 the Cuban Head of State stated, whilst on visit to Angola, that the 40,000 Cuban troops in Angola would remain there until South Africa withdrew from Angola and Namibia.

On the 15^th December 1987 Angola announced a new policy by asking the Cuban troops to patrol Southern Angola, with orders to engage South African troops in combat. On the 13^th of January 1988 the first South African assault in the decisive battle for the liberation of Southern Africa, began in Cuito Cuanavale. Ranged opposing the South Africans were the Cubans, the Angolans and the Namibians. The South African offensive went on till March 1988, but was repulsed. On the 1^st of April 1988 South Africa announced its troop withdrawals from Angola and in 1988 the peace plan for Namibia was agreed and signed in New York at the United Nations, by virtue of UN Resolution 435. In 1990 the Constitution was adopted and on 21^st March 1990 Namibian ‘independence’ was proclaimed. It must be noted that there was ‘no fight to the finish’ in any of the Southern African wars of decolonisation. In Zimbabwe, Namibia, South Africa, Angola and Mozambique peace always came by way of negotiated settlement, unlike in South East Asia. In 1982, under Western guidance SWAPO had accepted, in the Cap Verdes Islands, the ‘Constitutional Principles’; based on western values, in order to move forward the peace process. Because freedom was not won on the battlefield, self-government was compromised and those who had fought for liberation were not properly recognized for the role they had played.

Qualifying democracy

Apartheid settler colonialism had left the country at two extremes, with a white male dominated minority elite living in first world conditions and the majority African population living in poverty. The states which emerged were not sovereign, but neo- colonial. State authority did not include the commanding heights of the economy, which remains in the hands of minority whites and transnational overseas capital, with governance residing with a small black political power elite, in alliance with white capital. This arrangement will remain in place for the foreseeable future, but it fails to meet the expectations, which engendered the struggle for freedom.

Even after ‘independence’ was proclaimed in Namibia, one of the groups supposedly fighting for Angolan freedom, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) within Angola, continued to unsettle the peace in Namibia. UNITA, lead by Jonas Savimbi, had been aligned to racist South Africa and maintained a presence in Southern Angola, from where it crossed into Namibia after independence to create mayhem. It also traded in contraband and diamonds, all of which disturbed the population of Northern Namibia, especially Kavango and Caprivi. UNITA’s interference in Northern Namibia obliged those traveling from Rundu in the Kavango Region to Katima Mulilo in Caprivi Region in the North East of the country, to travel under convoy. In a sense Caprivi was being isolated from the rest of the country, so that when a short-lived Caprivi armed rebellion erupted in Katima Mulilo in the Caprivi Region in 1999, with connections with UNITA, nobody was surprised. It was only when Savimbi was killed some ten years after Namibia’s independence, that Namibia enjoyed full peace.

Democracy is not a given and must be fought for and jealously safeguarded. Some states such as France went through a republican revolution to reach the stage of pluralistic democracy, after a long period of experimentation and refinement. Namibia arrived at Western liberal democracy via a negotiated settlement, after an armed struggle and the deliberations of a Constituent Assembly. Thereafter the ruling SWAPO Party claimed that certain clauses of the Constitution were not of its making and were rather foisted on the people of Namibia during the period leading to independence.

The impact of the events of the 9^th November 2001 in New York, in the United States of America (USA), when two aircraft were crashed into the Twin Tours Buildings, also had resonance in Canada and parts of Europe. Civil liberties came under attack. Rights to privacy were trampled upon. All of which was combined by an increase in xenophobia in the USA, wiped up by politicians looking for attention. It reached the international media that the United States of America was mistreating prisoners of war at its Guantanamo military prison on Cuba. Democracy is a fragile entity and any state from one moment to another can pass from democracy to autocracy, depending on social dynamics.

The Constitution

The Constitution of Namibia was decided by the Constituent Assembly elected during the United Nations supervised elections of November 1989. The fact that Namibia was in a sense, a child of the international community / United Nations and that it received self government late, as compared with other African countries, meant that it should have been better placed to learn from the experiences of other countries, in its Constitution drafting process.

In 1982 the Western Contact Group of nations, who were involved in the process towards Namibia’s self-government, proposed a number of Constitutional Principles as Appendages to UN Security Council Resolution 435, which embodied the peace plan for Namibia’s Constitution. SWAPO accepted these Constitutional Principles as a basis for the Namibian Constitution

The Constitution which emerged from the Assembly was hailed internationally as an excellent representative of liberal democracy, able to hold its own under scrutiny as compared to any other Constitution in the world, but it had already been compromised by the 1982 Constitutional Principles. The Constitution enshrined the cardinal principles of democracy, that of the separation of powers, dividing government into three components – the Executive (law implementing), the Legislative (law making), and the Judiciary (law interpretation and enforcement).

In Namibia executive power is vested in the President and the Cabinet, who institute laws and ensure that they are implemented. Legislative power resides with Parliament (National Assembly – enacting and National Council – reviewing). The authority of the Judiciary lies in the courts of Namibia, being the Supreme Court, the High Court and the Lower Courts, which are independent. The Constitution of Namibia is an enlightened document in the Western frame of democracy. It contains all the provisions expected in a constitution of a western democracy, incorporating issues such as gender equality, but the fact that the state is denied control of the land, flaws the document fatally.The Constitution does not provide for gay rights.

The Constitution includes a chapter on fundamental human rights and freedoms, which cannot be amended or repealed in a way that would diminish any of the enshrined rights. These rights include freedom of expression, freedom of association and freedom of religion. This chapter also ensures the right to own property, while giving the government the right to expropriate property if just compensation is paid on the basis of willing seller – willing buyer.Since the enactment of the Constitution some trade unionists and SWAPO politicians have called for the removal of some of the ‘rights and freedoms’ of the 1982 principles, arguing that they were imposed...

next week

TIGblogs - Mandela Kapere's TIGBlog

The shock doctor(ine).

Why we are on they right side of history!

Condom use and why the Papacy got it wrong....

Youth expect no more than we deserve...

Defending our values is a categorical imperative.....

Avant Garde or Liberal diatribe?

Where others waver, the youth league shall soldier on....

Panafricanism in Namibia : Henny Seibeb , Elijah T Ngurare , Clinton Swartbooi

Facebook: a sociologist's dream...

Gender Equality a intrinsic and moral duty.

PYU Congress outcomes, what are the key areas for intervention.

Zimbabwe ????

Kitchen sink Politics?

crisis in the Global economy?

Pandeni, Bessinger, Gertse and Murangi

Namibia: The Struggle for Liberation

Circular reasoning....

James Webb for Veep.

Free state's traped mind...

OBAMAMania..............

Visioning....

Criticism, criticism and more criticism...

Euro African Cooperation

i aint having it, if it has fish in it!

Namibian political History :Part 3 By B.F Bankie

The liberation struggle - aborted

Qualifying democracy

The Constitution

Political Parties