http://lintennis.tigblog.org/ What's on the minds of young leaders from around the globe? en-us http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/243303 The general procedures for making proposals, motions and bills to the NPC:

According to the Organization Law of the National People's Congress and the Regulations of Discussions of the National People's Congress, the presidium of the NPC, the Standing Committee of the NPC, various special committees of the NPC, the State Council, the Central Military Commission, the Supreme People's Court and Supreme People's Procuratorate may put forward bills to the National People's Congress. Then the presidium shall decide whether to put the bills on the agenda or to reject them for discussion at NPC sessions. In additions, a delegation to the NPC or more than 30 deputies may put forward bills concerning matters falling within the functions and powers of the NPC. The presidium shall decide to list the bills on the agenda or reject them for discussion at NPC sessions, or alternatively to be sent to special committees for reviews. The committees shall suggest whether the bills should be listed on the agenda before a decision of listing or not listing the bills on the agenda is made.

The general procedures for deliberating the proposals, motions and bills to the NPC:

Sponsors of motions and bills submit to the NPC explanations of their motions and bills first. The plenary session of various delegations and deputy groups review the motions and bills. Then the presidium puts the motions and bills to various special committees for deliberation and report. The presidium reviews the reports and submits them to NPC sessions for voting. Deputies may cast their votes by ballot, show of hands or other means, to be decided upon by the presidium. Those motions and bills with a majority of deputies in favor shall be carried. Voting results are announced on the spot by those presiding over the sessions. Amendments to the Constitution can only be proposed by NPC Standing Committee or more than one-fifth of the deputies to the NPC, to be decided upon by ballot. Those with at least two-thirds of the deputies in favor shall be adopted.

When the delegations review the motions and bills or reports, relevant departments shall send those in charge to the meetings to listen to opinions and answer questions. During the plenary session of the NPC, a delegation or more than 30 deputies may raise inquires in writing to the various ministries and commissions of the State Council, the Supreme People's Court and the Supreme People's Procuratorate. The presidium of the NPC, or more than three delegations or one-tenth of the deputies may jointly propose the setup of investigative committees to look into special issues. The setup of such committees shall be decided upon by plenary sessions of the presidium.
]]> Thu, 23 Aug 2007 12:01:00 EDT http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/243303 39.9288889 116.388333339.9288889116.3883333 http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/243301 1. The relationship of making decisions and implementing them. The people's congresses represent the people to exercise state power, make legislations, decide on major issues, elect, remove and supervise state functionaries. The laws and decisions adopted by the people's congresses must be implemented by the administrative organs, people's courts and people's procuratorates.

2. The relationship of the supervisor and the supervised. People's congresses represent the people to exercise the right of supervision of the administrative organs, peoples' courts and people's congresses. The organs being supervised must be responsible to and report their work to the people's congresses and receive the supervision of the people's congresses.

3. The relationship of working in coordination. Though having different responsibilities and division of labor, the people's congresses, the administrative organs, people's courts and people's procuratorates have the same goal, i.e., to represent and realize the fundamental interests of the people and jointly build socialism with Chinese characteristics. The people's congresses uniformly exercise the state power and, under this precondition, rationally divide the rights of administration, judicial decision and prosecuting decision, which avoids having the state power and rights being over-concentrated or unnecessarily checked, so as to allow the state organs to specialize in their distinctive responsibilities and at the same time work in a coordinated manner.
]]> Thu, 23 Aug 2007 12:00:00 EDT http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/243301 39.9288889 116.388333339.9288889116.3883333 http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/243299
The term of office of people's congresses of provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities directly under the Central Government and cities divided into districts is five years. That of counties, autonomous counties, cities not divided into districts, municipal districts, townships, ethnic townships and towns is three years.

Local people's congresses at various levels ensure the observance and implementation of the Constitution and the law and the administrative rules and regulations in their respective administrative areas. According to the limits of their authority as prescribed by law, they adopt and issue resolutions and examine and approve plans for local economic and cultural development and for the development of public services.

Local people's congresses at and above the county level shall examine and approve the plans for economic and social development and the budgets of their respective administrative areas and examine and approve the reports on their implementation. They have the power to alter or annul inappropriate decisions made by their own standing committees.

The people's congresses of provinces, autonomous regions, municipalities directly under the Central Government, of cities which are capitals of the provinces or autonomous regions as well as large cites approved by the State Council have the right to adopt local regulations in light of their regional economic and cultural characteristics.

Local people's congresses at and above the county level elect and have the power to recall presidents of the people's courts and chief procurators of people's procuratorates at the corresponding level.

The election or recall of chief procurators of people's procurators of people's procuratorates shall be reported to the chief procurators of the people's procuratorates at the next higher level for submission to the standing committees of the people's congresses at the corresponding level for approval. ]]> Thu, 23 Aug 2007 12:00:00 EDT http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/243299 39.9288889 116.388333339.9288889116.3883333 http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/243297 1. To formulate and revise the Constitution and supervise its implementation; enact and revise basic laws and other laws of the state. The amendment of the Constitution shall be proposed by the Standing Committee of the NPC or one-fifth of the deputies to the NPC and can only be adopted by a majority of no less than two-thirds of the deputies to the NPC. Laws and other bills shall be adopted by the NPC with a majority of the deputies to the NPC. The Constitution also stipulates that the NPC has the rights to alter or annul inappropriate decision adopted by the Standing Committee of the NPC.

2. To elect members of the Standing Committee of the NPC; to elect the president and vice president of the People's Republic of China, and decide on the choice of the premier of the State Council upon nomination by the president, the choice of other members composing the State Council upon the nomination by the premier; to elect the chairman of the Central Military Commission, and decide on the choice of other members composing the Central Military Commission upon nomination by the chairman of the Commission; to elect the president of the Supreme People's Court; and to elect the procurator-general of the Supreme People's Procuratorate. The NPC has the right to remove all the above-mentioned functionaries.

3. To examine and approve the plan for national economic and social development; to examine and approve the state budget and the report on its implementation; to approve the establishment of provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities directly under the Central Government; to decide on the establishment of special administrative regions and the systems to be instituted in the regions; and to decide on questions of war and peace.

4. To exercise such other functions and powers as the highest organ of state power should exercise.
]]> Thu, 23 Aug 2007 11:59:00 EDT http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/243297 39.9288889 116.388333339.9288889116.3883333 http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/241665
　　On September 27, 1949, the First Plenary Session of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) approved the proposal for using the red five-star flag as the national flag of the People's Republic of China (PRC). The red color of the flag symbolizes revolution and the yellow color of the stars the golden brilliant rays radiating from the vast red land. The design of four smaller stars surrounding a bigger one signifies the unity of the Chinese people under the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC).　

Source: China Yearbook 2004

]]> Mon, 13 Aug 2007 23:44:00 EDT http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/241665 39.9288889 116.388333339.9288889116.3883333 http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/241663
Man has lived for a very long time in what is now China, according to archaeological finds. In many parts of the country, for instance, fossil remains of primitive ape men have been unearthed. Among them are the fossil remains of the Yuanmou Ape Man who lived in Yunnan Province some 1.7 million years ago.

Research findings show that the Peking Man, who lived about 500,000 years ago, was able to make and use simple implements and knew the use of fire.

Like all other peoples on earth, the Chinese have passed through the primitive, matriarchal and patriarchal communes and the slave and feudal systems.

People in China take pride in calling themselves the offspring of Huang Di or Yellow Emperor, a tribal chief who dwelled in the Yellow River Valley more than four millenniums ago. Prehistorical legends about the Yellow Emperor and other outstanding personages of his time abound in ancient Chinese books. Legend has it that the Yellow Emperor made weapons out of jade to conquer other tribes, while his wife, Lei Zu, introduced the rearing of silkworms. The Yellow Emperor taught tribemen to domesticate wild animals and to grow cereals, and as a result his tribes grew in strength and defeated the tribes under Yan Di(Emperor Yan). Later, the Yellow Emperor and Emperor Yan formed an alliance that conquered all the other tribes in the Yellow River Valley. Today the Yellow Emperor is regarded as the ancestor of the Chinese people, who call themselves the descendants of Yan Di and Huang Di(Emperor Yan and Yellow Emperor).

Society in those bygone times, as reflected in the legends, was based on the primitive communion which private property and the exploitation of man by man was unknown.

After the death of the Yellow Emperor, the primitive tribes in the Yellow River Valley were ruled in succession by such legendary figures as Yao, Shun and Da Yu(Great Yu) who subdued floods and harnessed Rivers.

The Xia Dynasty (21st century BC-16th century BC), the first dynasty that emerged in China 4,100 years ago, was founded by Qi, son of Great Yu who conquered floods and tamed rivers. The Xia dynasty, which was a slave-owning society, was overthrown by warriors commanded by Shang Tang, the founder of the Shang Dynasty(16th century BC-11th century BC)during which the slave-owning system developed with the growth of farm and handicraft production. The art of smelting and casting bronze reached a higher level of development in this period during which recorded history commenced in China. As paper was then unknown, some of the writings in Shang time were cast in bronze, and some inscribed on tortoise shells or animal bones.

The Shang Dynasty was superseded by the Western Zhou Dynasty(11th century BC-771BC)during which the slave-owning system grew more prosperous. The Western Zhou rulers instituted an enfeoffment system under which nobles were invested with hereditary titles as well as land along with the slaves working on it. Introduced then was the "9-square pattern" of farming in which a tract of land was partitioned into nine squares. The eight outer squares were allocated to slaves who had to work the central square gratis for their masters.

The Spring and Autumn Period (770BC-476BC) witnessed the advent of the ox as a draught animal and the use of iron implements on the farm. This boosted farm output and made it possible for the opening up of more land for crop cultivation. As a result, more farmland came under private ownership and the disintegration of the slave system commenced to give way for a feudal society.

The up-and-coming land-owning or landlord class introduced reforms to change the land ownership system to its own advantage at the beginning of the Warring States Period(475BC-221BC). There were then seven vassal states contending with one another for hegemony. In the struggle for supremacy, the state of Qin based in Shaanxi Province, which had become powerful because of the fact that it had adopted drastic measures to reform the land ownership system, conquered all the other states to establish the Qin Dynasty (221BC-206BC), the first centralized, autocratic feudal empire in China. This was a signal victory for the new landlord class.

Emperor Qin Shi Huang of the Qin Dynasty carried out a lot of reform measures, including standardization of weights and measures and the initiation of a single currency and a unitary script, etc. While building a network of roads across the land, he conscripted 300,000 laborers to build the Great Wall and dispatched 500,000 warriors to garrison Lingnan(present-day Guangdong Province)and 700,000 men to erect his mausoleum. The Qin Shi Huang Mausoleum along with a big army of life-sized terra cotta warriors and battle steeds, which have been unearthed in the city of Xi'an, are a big attraction for tourists from all over the world.

Pauperized by such extravagances, the peasant masses rose up in arms and overthrew the Qin rulers to set up the Western Han Dynasty (202BC-AD8).

During this dynastic period agriculture and handicraft made marked progress along with the flourishing of science, culture and the arts. Links between the different ethnic groups in the country were strengthened and exchanges with the outside world broadened. Zhang Qian, a diplomat of that time, who was dispatched as envoy to the Western Regions, opened the world-famous Silk Road.

As the Western Han Dynasty was later weakened by corruption, Liu Xiu, taking advantage of the strength of peasant uprisers, replaced the Western Han Dynasty with the Eastern Han Dynasty founded in AD25. From this time onward economy, science and culture continued to progress. However, contradictions within the ruling class flared up later and the uprisings of the Yellow Turbans led by Zhang Jiao hastened the disintegration of the Eastern Han Dynasty. There followed tangled warfare among various separatist regimes until three rival kingdoms Wei, Shu Han and Wu, came to the fore.

In AD265 Sima Yan, an influential official of the Kingdom of Wei, dethroned its ruler and established the Western Jin Dynasty. He annexed the Kingdom of Wu in 280. So, with the Kingdom of Shu Han toppled by the Kingdom of Wei earlier in 263, the Three Kingdoms came to an end. Soon afterwards, nevertheless, tangled warfare broke out among various ethnic groups, resulting in the emergence of 16 small kingdoms in northern China and the downfall of the Western Jin Dynasty. In 317, the year that the Western Jin Dynasty was brought down, Sima Rui, a member of the royal house, set up the Eastern Jin Dynasty in the south.

In 386 there came into existence two antagonistic regimes-the Southern Dynasty in the south and the Northern Dynasty in the north. At last, in 581, the country was unified under the Sui Dynasty. The nation's economy, however, was later ruined by Emperor Yang Di's extravagance and corruption as well as by his gigantic construction projects and excessive military spending. This brought about peasant uprisings which swept the whole country. Taking advantage of this situation, Li Yuan, a military commander of the dynasty, led his forces to take the capital Chang'an. He became the founder of the Tang Dynasty (618-907).

The Tang Dynasty witnessed a period of economic and cultural boom in China. At that time China was powerful and ranked among the most advanced countries in the world. Its foreign relations were broader than ever before. It forged friendly ties with Japan, Korea and many countries in West Asia, Europe and Africa, with its capital Chang'an serving as center of cultural exchange between various countries.

Economically, agriculture and handicraft in Tang times reached a very high level of technology. Literary and artistic creations flourished. It was in the Tang period that most of the frescos in the Dunhuang Grottos, a world-renowned treasure house of art, were done. A host of noted scientists and men of letters came to the fore, such as the high monk Yi Xing(alias Zhang Sui), an astronomer, and Li Bai and Du Fu, poets. Also accredited to the Tang Dynasty are the inventions of gunpowder, block printing and the astronomical clock, which have substantially contributed to the development of world culture.

The rebellion of An Lushan and Shi Siming, generals of the Tang court, marked the beginning of the decline of the Tang Dynasty, which came to an end in 907. In the years that followed, constant strifes plagued the country. In a space of 50 years five dynasties(Later Liang, Later Tang, Later Jin, Later Han and Later Zhou)rose and fell in the Yellow River Basin. At the same time 10 kingdoms including Qian Shu, Wu, Min, Wuyue and Chu ruled different areas in the south. This period has come to be known as the period of Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms.

National unification was achieved again in 960 when Zhao Kuangyin, a general of the Later Zhou Dynasty, founded the Song Dynasty with the capital in Kaifeng, modern Henan Province. This dynasty is known in history as the Northern Song Dynasty.

In Northern Song time some border tribes grew very strong. They were the Khitan of the Kingdom of Liao and the Nuzhen of the Kingdom of Jin in Northeast China, and the Dang Xiang of the Kingdom of Western Xia. They fought among themselves and against the Song government. After conquering the Khitan, the Nuzhen swept south and overthrew the Northern Song Dynasty. In 1127 Zhao Gou, brother of the last emperor of the Northern Song Dynasty, established a new government in Nanjing (now Shangqiu, Henan Province), which is historically known as the Southern Song Dynasty.

During the Song period agriculture and commerce flourished and science and technology made impressive strides. New cities sprang up. Overseas trade began to develop. A host of thinkers, scholars and men of letters came to the fore. There was a boom in calligraphy, painting, sculpture and weaving art. Achievements in porcelain manufacture outshone all previous records. Gunpowder was widely used for military purposes. Especially noteworthy are the inventions of the compass and movable type printing which have greatly contributed to human progress.

While the Song and Nuzhen armies were locked in continuous warfare, the Mongols in the north rose to power under Genghis Khan who unified all the Mongol tribes. He subjugated the Western Xia, Liao and Jin kingdoms one after another. His grandson, Kublai Khan, set up the Yuan Dynasty(1271-1368) and in 1276 overthrew the Southern Song Dynasty, thus unifying China once more.

The renewed national unification served to boost the economy, promote science and culture, improve the ties between various nationalities and increase contacts with foreign lands. During the nine decades of Yuan rule, however, there were no end to peasant insurrections.

In 1368 Zhu Yuanzhang, a peasant leader, established the Ming Dynasty and in the same year drove the Mongol emperor away from his capital (now Beijing), thereby restoring Han nationality rule in China.

During the Ming Dynasty the growth of agriculture and handicraft production brought an expansion to the commodity economy. From the middle of Ming times onward, capitalism began to burgeon in some handicraft industries in certain coastal regions. Meanwhile, overseas contacts increased. A notable example is provided by Zheng He, a noted navigator, who was sent overseas as envoy at the head of a large fleet on seven voyages, the longest of which took him to the equator on the eastern African coast.

The Ming Dynasty was overthrown in 1644 by the peasant armies under the command of Li Zicheng and Zhang Xianzhong. In the same year Manchu armed forces pushed south of the Great Wall through Shanhaiguan Pass. They defeated the peasant armies, followed by the establishment of the Qing Dynasty(1644-1911).

The Qing Dynasty reached the zenith of its power during the reigns of emperors Kang Xi, Yong Zheng and Qian Long. Its territory was extensive and production boomed. However, the isolationist policy carried out in the later years of the Qing government retarded the burgeoning of capitalism in China and kept the country ignorant of the political, economic, military and cultural developments in the West.

In 1840 the British imperialists launched the Opium War against China. In its wake came invaders from various countries. The foreign powers forced the corrupt and incompetent Qing government to sign a series of unequal treaties. Consequently, China was gradually turned into a semi-feudal and semi-colonial country.

The revolution led by Dr. Sun Yat-sen overthrew the Qing Dynasty in 1911 and led to the founding of the Republic of China, thus putting an end to the more than 2,000 years of feudal, monarchic rule in China. Regretably, the fruits of the 1911 Revolution were usurped by the warlord Yuan Shikai with the backing of imperialism.

In 1919 the May 4th Movement broke out to spearhead against imperialism and feudalism.

The Communist Party of China was founded in 1921.

In 1924 the Kuomintang founded by Dr. Sun Yat-sen entered into cooperation with the Chinese Communist Party to launch from Guangdong Province in 1926 the Northern Expedition to overthrow imperialist-backed warlordism. In the following year, Chiang Kai-shek, Wang Jingwei and other Kuomintang right-wingers betrayed the revolution one after another. They set up in Nanjing a new regime that still went under the name of the "Republic of China" .

Under Chiang Kai-shek's rule, there emerged in China national monopoly capitalism of a comprador and feudal nature. The fascist rule he instituted plunged the Chinese people into misery.

After 1931, Japan stepped up its aggression against China. This triggered off the Anti-Japanese War six years later. For the second time the Communist Party and the Kuomintang Party entered into cooperation--this time to fight the Japanese invaders. The war dragged on for eight years until Japan surrendered in August 1945.

In 1946, Chiang Kai-shek launched an all-out attack against the resistance forces led by the Chinese Communist Party. Chiang was defeated, and the Kuomintang regime was toppled in 1949. Chiang fled to Taiwan Island with his remnant troops. On Oct. 1, 1949 the People's Republic of China was proclaimed with Mao Zedong as chairman.

From the inception of the People's Republic of China in October 1949 to 1956, the new democracy to socialism, rapidly rehabilitating the country's economy, undertaking planned economic construction and in the main accomplishing the socialist transformation of the private ownership of the means of production in most of the country. The guidelines and basic policies defined by the Party in this historical period were correct and led to brilliant successes.

In the first three years of the People's Republic, we cleared the mainland of bandits and the remnant armed forces of the Kuomintang reactionaries, peacefully liberated Tibet, established people's governments at all levels throughout the country, confiscated bureaucrat-capitalist enterprises and transformed them into state-owned socialist enterprises, unified the country's financial and economic work, stabilized commodity prices, carried out agrarian reform in the new liberated areas, suppressed counter-revolutionaries and unfolded the movements against the "three evils" of corruption, waste and bureaucracy and against the "five evils" of bribery, tax evasion, theft of state property, cheating on government contracts and stealing of economic information, the latter being a movement to beat back the attack mounted by the bourgeoisie. We effectively transformed the educational, scientific and cultural institutions of old China. While successfully carrying out the complex and difficult task of social reform and simultaneously undertaking the great war to resist US aggression and aid Korea, protect our homes and defend the country, we rapidly rehabilitated the country's economy which had been devastated in old China. By the end of 1952, the country's industrial and agricultural production had attained record levels.

On the proposal of Comrade Mao Zedong in 1952, the Central Committee of the Party advanced the general line for the transition period, which was to realize the country's socialist industrialization and socialist transformation of agriculture, handicrafts and capitalist industry and commerce step by step over a fairly long period of time. This general line was a reflection of historical necessity.

1)Socialist industrialization is an indispensable prerequisite to the country's independence and prosperity.

2)With nationwide victory in the new-democratic revolution and completion of the agrarian reform, the contradiction between the working class and the bourgeoisie and between the socialist road and the capitalist road became the principal internal contradiction. The country needed a certain expansion of capitalist industry and commerce which were beneficial to its economy and to the people's livelihood. But in the course of their expansion, things detrimental to the national economy and the people's livelihood were bound to emerge. Consequently, a struggle between restriction and opposition to restriction was inevitable. The conflict of interests became increasingly apparent between capitalist enterprises on the one hand and the economic policies of the state, the socialist state-owned economy, the workers and staff in these capitalist enterprises and the people as a whole on the other. An integrated series of necessary measures and steps, such as the fight against speculation and profiteering, the readjustment and restructuring of industry and commerce, the movement against the "five evils, " workers' supervision of production and state monopoly of the purchase and marketing of grain and cotton, were bound to gradually bring backward, anarchic, lop-sided and profit-oriented capitalist industry and commerce into the orbit of socialist transformation.

3)Among the individual peasants, and particularly the poor and lower-middle peasants who had just acquired land in the agrarian reform but lacked other means of production, there was a genuine desire for mutual aid and co-operation in order to avoid borrowing at usurious rates and even mortgaging or selling their land again with consequent polarization, and in order to expand production, undertake water conservancy projects, ward off natural calamities and make use of farm machinery and new techniques. The progress of industrialization, while demanding agricultural products in ever increasing quantities, would provide stronger and stronger support for the technical transformation of agriculture, and this also constituted a motive force behind the transformation of individual into co-operative farming.

As is borne out by history, the general line for the transition period set forth by the Party was entirely correct.

During the period of transition, the Party creatively charted a course for socialist transformation that suited China's specific conditions. In dealing with capitalist industry and commerce, it devised a whole series of transitional forms of state capitalism from lower to higher levels, such as the placing of state orders with private enterprises for the processing of materials or the manufacture of goods, state monopoly of the purchase and marketing of the products of private enterprise, the marketing of products of state-owned enterprises by private shops, and joint state-private ownership of individual enterprises or enterprises of a whole trade, and it eventually realized the peaceful redemption of the bourgeoisie, a possibility envisaged by Marx and Lenin. In dealing with individual farming, it devised transitional forms of co-operation, proceeding from temporary or all-the-year-round mutual-aid teams, to elementary agricultural producers'co-operatives of a semi-socialist nature and then to advanced agricultural producers' co-operatives of a fully socialist nature, always adhering to the principles of voluntariness and mutual benefit, demonstration through advanced examples, and extension of state help. Similar methods were used in transforming individual handicraft industries. In the course of such transformation, the state-capitalist and cooperative economies displayed their unmistakable superiority. By 1956, the socialist transformation of the private ownership of the means of production had been largely completed in most regions. But there had been shortcomings and errors. From the summer of 1955 onwards, the Party was overhasty in pressing on with agricultural co-operation and the transformation of private handicraft and commercial establishments;it was far from meticulous, the changes were too fast, and it did its work in a somewhat summary, stereotyped manner, leaving open a number of questions for a long time. Following the basic completion of the transformation of capitalist industry and commerce in 1956, we failed to do a proper job in employing and handling some of the former industrialists and businessmen. But on the whole, it was definitely a historic victory for the Party has effected, and to have effected fairly smoothly, so difficult, complex and profound a social change in so vast a country with its several hundred million people, a change, moreover, which promoted the growth of industry, agriculture and the economy as a whole.

In economic construction under the First Five-Year Plan (1953-1957), China likewise scored major successes through her own efforts and with the assistance of the Soviet Union and other friendly countries. A number of basic industries, essential for the country's industrialization and yet very weak in the past, were built up. Between 1953 and 1956, the average annual increases in the total value of industrial and agricultural output were 19.6 and 4.8 per cent respectively. Economic growth was quite fast, with satisfactory economic results, and the key economic sectors were well-balanced. The market prospered, prices were stable. The people's livelihood improved perceptibly.

The First National People's Congress was convened in September 1954, and it enacted the Constitution of the People's Republic of China. In March 1955, a national conference of the Party reviewed the major struggle against the plots of the careerists Gao Gang and Rao Shushi to split the Party and usurp supreme power in the Party and the state;in this way it strengthened Party unity. In January 1956, the Central Committee of the Party called a conference on the question of the intellectuals. Subsequently, the policy of "letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend" was advanced. These measures spelled out the correct policy regarding intellectuals and the work in education, science and culture and thus brought about a significant advance in these fields. Owing to the Party's correct policies, fine style of work and the consequent high prestige it enjoyed among the people, the vast numbers of cadres, masses, youth and intellectuals earnestly studied Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought and participated enthusiastically in revolutionary and construction activities under the leadership of the Party, so that a healthy and virile revolutionary morality prevailed throughout the country.

The Eighth National Congress of the Party held in September 1956 was very successful. The congress declared that the socialist system had been basically established in China;that while the country must strive to liberate Taiwan, thoroughly complete socialist transformation, ultimately eliminate the system of exploitation and continue to wipe out the remnant forces of counter-revolution, the principal contradiction within the country was no longer the contradiction between the working class and the bourgeoisie but between the demand of the people for rapid economic and cultural development and the existing state of our economy and culture which fell short of the needs of the people;that the chief task confronting the whole nation was to concentrate all efforts on developing the productive forces, industrializing the country and gradually meeting the people's incessantly growing material and cultural needs;and that although class struggle still existed and the people's democratic dictatorship had to be further strengthened, the basic task of the dictatorship was now to protect and develop the productive forces in the context of the new relations of production. The congress adhered to the principle put forward by the Central Committee of the Party in May 1956, the principle of opposing both conservatism and rash advance in economic construction, that is, of making steady progress by striking an overall balance. It emphasized the problem of the building of the Party in office and the need to uphold democratic centralism and collective leadership, oppose the personality cult, promote democracy within the Party and among the people and strengthen the Party's ties with the masses. The line laid down by the Eighth National Congress of the Party was correct and it charted the path for the development of the cause of socialism and for Party building in the new period.

After the basic completion of socialist transformation, the Party led the entire people in shifting China's work to all-round, large-scale socialist construction. In the 10 years preceding the "cultural revolution" China achieved very big successes despite serious setbacks. By 1966, the value of fixed industrial assets, calculated on the basis of their original price, was 4 times greater than in 1956. The output of such major industrial products as cotton yarn, coal, electricity, crude oil, steel and mechanical equipment all recorded impressive increases. Beginning in 1965, China became self-sufficient in petroleum. New industries such as the electronic and petrochemical industries were established one after another. The distribution of industry over the country became better balanced. Capital construction in agriculture and its technical transformation began on a massive scale and yielded better and better results. Both the number of tractors for farming and the quantity of chemical fertilizers applied increased over 7 times and rural consumption of electricity 71 times. The number of graduates from institutions of higher education was 4.9 times that of the previous seven years. Educational work was improved markedly through consolidation. Scientific research and technological work, too, produced notable results.

In the 10 years from 1956 to 1966, the Party accumulated precious experience in leading socialist construction. In the spring of 1957, Comrade Mao Zedong stressed the necessity of correctly handling and distinguishing between the two types of social contradictions differing in nature in a socialist society, and made the correct handling of contradictions among the people the main content of the country's political life. Later, he called for the creation of "a political situation in which the Party members have both centralism and democracy, both discipline and freedom, both unity of will and personal ease of mind and liveliness. " In 1958, he proposed that the focus of Party and government work be shifted to technical revolution and socialist construction. All this was the continuation and development of the line adopted by the Eighth National Congress of the Party and was to go on serving as a valuable guide. While leading the work of correcting the errors in the great leap forward and the movement to organize people's communes, Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out that there must be no expropriation of the peasants;that a given stage of social development should not be skipped;that egalitarianism must be opposed;that the country must stress commodity production, observe the law of value and strike an overall balance in economic planning;and that economic plans must be arranged with the priority proceeding from agriculture to light industry and then to heavy industry. Comrade Liu Shaoqi said that a variety of means of production could be put into circulation as commodities and that there should be a double-track system for labour as well as for education* in socialist society. Comrade Zhou Enlai said, among other things, that the overwhelming majority of Chinese intellectuals had become intellectuals belonging to the working people and that science and technology would play a key role in China's modernization. Comrade Chen Yun held that plan targets should be realistic, that the scale of construction should correspond to national capability, considerations should be given to both the people's livelihood and the needs of state construction, and that the material, financial and credit balances should be maintained in drawing up plans. Comrade Deng Xiaoping held that industrial enterprises should be consolidated and their management improved and strengthened, and that the system of workers' conferences should be introduced. Comrade Zhu De stressed the need to pay attention to the development of handicrafts and of diverse undertakings in agriculture. Deng Zihui and other comrades pointed out that a system of production responsibility should be introduced in agriculture. All these views were not only of vital significance then, but have remained so ever since. In the course of economic readjustment, the Central Committee drew up draft rules governing the work of the rural people's communes and work in industry, commerce, education, science and literature and art. These rules which were a more or less systematic summation of the experience in socialist construction and embodied specific policies suited to the prevailing conditions remain important as a source of reference to this very day.

In short, the material and technical basis for modernizing China was largely established during that period. It was also largely in the same period that the core personnel for the work in the economic, cultural and other spheres were trained and that they gained their experience. This was the principal aspect of the Party's work in that period.

In the course of this decade, there were serious faults and errors in the guidelines of the Party's work, which developed through twists and turns.

1957 was one of the years that saw the best results in economic work since the founding of the People's Republic owing to the conscientious implementation of the correct line formulated at the Eighth National Congress of the Party. To start a rectification campaign throughout the Party in that year and urge the masses to offer criticisms and suggestions were normal steps in developing socialist democracy. In the rectification campaign a handful of bourgeois Rightists seized the opportunity to advocate what they called "speaking out and airing views in a big way" and to mount a wild attack against the Party and the nascent socialist system in an attempt to replace the leadership of the Communist Party. It was therefore entirely correct and necessary to launch a resolute counterattack. But the scope of this struggle was made far too broad and a number of intellectuals, patriotic people and Party cadres were unjustifiably labelled "Rightists, " with unfortunate consequences.

In 1958, the Second Plenum of the Eighth National Congress of the Party adopted the general line for socialist construction. The line and its fundamental aspects were correct in that it reflected the masses' pressing demand for a change in the economic and cultural backwardness of our country. Its shortcoming was that it overlooked the objective economic laws. Both before and after the plenum, all comrades in the Party and people of all nationalities displayed high enthusiasm and initiative for socialism and achieved certain results in production and construction. However, "Left" errors, characterized by excessive targets, the issuing of arbitrary directions, boastfulness and the stirring up of a "communist wind, " spread unchecked throughout the country. This was due to our lack of experience in socialist construction and inadequate understanding of the laws of economic development and of the basic economic conditions in China. More important, it was due to the fact that Comrade Mao Zedong and many leading comrades, both at the centre and in the localities, had become smug about their successes, were impatient for quick results and overestimated the role of man's subjective will and efforts. After the general line was formulated, the great leap forward and the movement for rural people's communes were initiated without careful investigation and study and without prior experimentation. From the end of 1958 to the early stage of the Lushan Meeting of the Political Bureau of the Party's Central Committee in July 1959, Comrade Mao Zedong and the Central Committee led the whole Party in energetically rectifying the errors which had already been recognized. However, in the later part of the meeting, he erred in initiating criticism of Comrade Peng Dehuai and then in launching a Party-wide struggle against "Right opportunism. " The resolution passed by the Eighth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Party concerning the so-called anti-Party group of Peng Dehuai, Huang Kecheng, Zhang Wentian and Zhou Xiaozhou was entirely wrong. Politically, this struggle gravely undermined inner-Party democracy from the central level down to the grassroots;economically, it cut short the process of the rectification of "Left" errors, thus prolonging their influence. It was mainly due to the errors of the great leap forward and of the struggle against "Right opportunism" together with a succession of natural calamities and the perfidious scrapping of contracts by the Soviet Government that our economy encountered serious difficulties between 1959 and 1961, which caused serious losses to our country and people.

In the winter of 1960, the Central Committee of the Party and Comrade Mao Zedong set about rectifying the "Left" errors in rural work and decided on the principle of "readjustment, consolidation, filling out and raising standards" for the economy as a whole. A number of correct policies and resolute measures were worked out and put into effect with Comrades Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping in charge. All this constituted a crucial turning point in that historical phase. In January 1962, the enlarged Central Work Conference attended by 7, 000 people made a preliminary summing-up of the positive and negative experience of the great leap forward and unfolded criticism and self-criticism. A majority of the comrades who had been unjustifiably criticized during the campaign against "Right opportunism" were rehabilitated before or after the conference. In addition. most of the "Rightists" had their label removed. Thanks to these economic and political measures, the national economy recovered and developed fairly smoothly between 1962 and 1966.

Nevertheless, "Left" errors in the principles guiding economic work were not only not eradicated, but actually grew in the spheres of politics, ideology and culture. At the 10th Plenary Session of the Party's Eighth Central Committee in September 1962, Comrade Mao Zedong widened and absolutized the class struggle, which exists only within certain limits in socialist society, and carried forward the viewpoint he had advanced after the anti-Rightist struggle in 1957 that the contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie remained the principal contradiction in the society. He went a step further and asserted that, throughout the historical period of socialism, the bourgeoisie would continue to exist and would attempt a come back and become the source of revisionism inside the Party. The socialist education movement unfolded between 1963 and 1965 in some rural areas and at the grass-roots level in a small number of cities did help to some extent to improve the cadres' style of work and economic management. But, in the course of the movement, problems differing in nature were all treated as forms of class struggle or its reflections inside the Party. As a result, quite a number of the cadres at the grass-roots level were unjustly dealt with in the latter half of 1964, and early in 1965 the erroneous thesis was advanced that the main target of the movement should be "those Party persons in power taking the capitalist road. " In the ideological sphere, a number of literary and art works and schools of thought and a number of representative personages in artistic, literary and academic circles were subjected to unwarranted, inordinate political criticism. And there was an increasingly serious "Left" deviation on the question of intellectuals and on the question of education, science and culture. These errors eventually culminated in the "cultural revolution, " but they had not yet become dominant.

Thanks to the fact that the whole Party and people had concentrated on carrying out the correct principle of economic readjustment since the winter of 1960, socialist construction gradually flourished again. The Party and the people were united in sharing weal and woe. They overcame difficulties at home, stood up to the pressure of the Soviet leading clique and repaid all the debts owed to the Soviet Union, which were chiefly incurred through purchasing Soviet arms during the movement to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea. In addition, they did what they could to support the revolutionary struggles of the people of many countries and assist them in their economic construction. The Third National People's Congress, which met between the end of 1964 and the first days of 1965, announced that the task of national economic readjustment had in the main been accomplished and that the economy as a whole would soon enter a new stage of development. It called for energetic efforts to build China step by step into a socialist power with modern agriculture, industry, national defence and science and technology. This call was not fulfilled owing to the "cultural revolution. "

All the successes in these 10 years were achieved under the collective leadership of the Central Committee of the Party headed by Comrade Mao Zedong. Likewise, responsibility for the errors committed in the work of this period rested with the same collective leadership. Although Comrade Mao Zedong must be held chiefly responsible, the blame cannot be laid on him alone for all those errors. During this period, his theoretical and practical mistakes concerning class struggle in a socialist society became increasingly serious, his personal arbitrariness gradually undermined democratic centralism in Party life and the personality cult grew graver and graver. The Central Committee of the Party failed to rectify these mistakes in good time. Careerists like Lin Biao, Jiang Qing and Kang Sheng, harbouring ulterior motives, made use of these errors and inflated them. This led to the inauguration of the "cultural revolution. "

The "cultural revolution, " which lasted from May 1966 to October 1976, was responsible for the most severe setback and the heaviest losses suffered by the Party, the state and the people since the founding of the People's Republic. It was initiated and led by Comrade Mao Zedong. His principal theses were that many representatives of the bourgeoisie and counter-revolutionary revisionists had sneaked into the Party, the government, the army and cultural circles, and leadership in a fairly large majority of organizations and departments was no longer in the hands of Marxists and the people;that Party persons in power taking the capitalist road had formed a bourgeois headquarters inside the Central Committee which pursued a revisionist political and organizational line and had agents in all provinces, municipalities and autonomous regions, as well as in all central departments;that since the forms of struggle adopted in the past had not been able to solve this problem, the power usurped by the capitalist-roaders could be recaptured only by carrying out a great cultural revolution, by openly and fully mobilizing the broad masses from the bottom up to expose these sinister phenomena;and that the cultural revolution was in fact a great political revolution in which one class would overthrow another, a revolution that would have to be waged time and again. These theses appeared mainly in the May 16 Circular, which served as the programmatic document of the "cultural revolution, " and in the political report to the Ninth National Congress of the Party in April 1969. They were incorporated into a general theory-the "theory of continued revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat" -which then took on a specific meaning. These erroneous "Left" theses, upon which Comrade Mao Zedong based himself in initiating the "cultural revolution, " were obviously inconsistent with the system of Mao Zedong Thought, which is the integration of the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution. These theses must be thoroughly distinguished from Mao Zedong Thought. As for Lin Biao, Jiang Qing and others, who were placed in important positions by Comrade Mao Zedong, the matter is of an entirely different nature. They rigged up two counter-revolutionary cliques in an attempt to seize supreme power and, taking advantage of Comrade Mao Zedong's errors, committed many crimes behind his back, bringing disaster to the country and the people. As their counter-revolutionary crimes have been fully exposed, this resolution will not go into them at any length.

The history of the "cultural revolution" has proved that Comrade Mao Zedong's principal theses for initiating this revolution conformed neither to Marxism-Leninism nor to Chinese reality. They represent an entirely erroneous appraisal of the prevailing class relations and political situation in the Party and state.

1)The "cultural revolution" was defined as a struggle against the revisionist line or the capitalist road. There were no grounds at all for this definition. It led to the confusing of right and wrong on a series of important theories and policies. Many things denounced as revisionist or capitalist during the "cultural revolution" were actually Marxist and socialist principles, many of which had been set forth or supported by Comrade Mao Zedong himself. The "cultural revolution" negated many of the correct principles, policies and achievements of the 17 years after the founding of the People's Republic. In fact, it negated much of the work of the Central Committee of the Party and the People's Government, including that of Comrade Mao and the arduous struggles the entire people had conducted in socialist construction.

2)The confusing of right and wrong inevitably led to confusing the people with the enemy. The "capitalist-roaders" overthrown in the "cultural revolution" were leading cadres of Party and government organizations at all levels, who formed the core force of the socialist cause. The so-called bourgeois headquarters inside the Party headed by Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping simply did not exist. Irrefutable facts have proved that labelling Comrade Liu Shaoqi a "renegade, hidden traitor and scab" was nothing but a frame-up by Lin Biao, Jiang Qing and their followers. The political conclusion concerning Comrade Liu Shaoqi drawn by the 12th Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Party and the disciplinary measure it meted out to him were both utterly wrong. The criticism of the so-called reactionary academic authorities in the "cultural revolution" during which many capable and accomplished intellectuals were attacked and persecuted also badly muddled up the distinction between the people and the enemy.

3)Nominally, the "cultural revolution" was conducted by directly relying on the masses. In fact, it was divorced both from the Party organizations and from the masses. After the movement started, Party organizations at different levels were attacked and became partially or wholly paralysed, the Party's leading cadres at various levels were subjected to criticism and struggle, inner-Party life came to a standstill, and many activists and large numbers of the basic masses whom the Party has long relied on were rejected. At the beginning of the "cultural revolution, " the vast majority of participants in the movement acted out of their faith in Comrade Mao Zedong and the Party. Except for a handful of extremists, however, they did not approve of launching ruthless struggles against leading Party cadres at all levels. With the lapse of time, following their own circuitous paths, they eventually attained a heightened political consciousness and consequently began to adopt a sceptical or wait-and-see attitude towards the "cultural revolution, " or even resisted and opposed it. Many people were assailed either more or less severely for this very reason. Such a state of affairs could not but provide openings to be exploited by opportunists, careerists and conspirators, not a few of whom were escalated to high or even key positions.

4)Practice has shown that the "cultural revolution" did not in fact constitute a revolution or social progress in any sense, nor could it possibly have done so. It was the people and not the enemy at all who were thrown into disorder by the "cultural revolution. " Therefore, from beginning to end, it did not turn "great disorder under heaven" into "great order under heaven, " nor could it conceivably have done so. After the state power in the form of the people's democratic dictatorship was established in China, and especially after socialist transformation was basically completed and the exploiters were eliminated as classes, the socialist revolution represented a fundamental break with the past in both content and method, though its tasks remained to be completed. Of course, it was essential to take proper account of certain undesirable phenomena that undoubtedly existed in Party and state organisms and to remove them by correct measures in conformity with the Constitution, the laws and the Party Constitution. But on no account should the theories and methods of the "cultural revolution" have been applied. Under socialist conditions, there is no economic or political basis for carrying out a great political revolution in which "one class overthrows another. " It decidedly could not come up with any constructive programme, but could only bring grave disorder, damage and retrogression in its train. History has shown that the "cultural revolution", initiated by a leader labouring under a misapprehension and capitalized on by counter-revolutionary cliques, led to domestic turmoil and brought catastrophe to the Party, the state and the whole people.

The "cultural revolution" can be divided into three stages.

1)From the initiation of the "cultural revolution" to the Ninth National Congress of the Party in April 1969. The convening of the enlarged Political Bureau meeting of the Central Committee of the Party in May 1966 and the 11th Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee in August of that year marked the launching of the "cultural revolution" on a full scale. These two meetings adopted the May 16 Circular and the Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China Concerning the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution respectively. They launched an erroneous struggle against the so-called anti-Party clique of Peng Zhen, Luo Ruiqing, Lu Dingyi and Yang Shangkun and the so-called headquarters of Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping. They wrongly re-organized the central leading organs, set up the "Cultural Revolution Group Under the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party" and gave it a major part of the power of the Central Committee. In fact, Comrade Mao Zedong's personal leadership characterized by "Left" errors took the place of the collective leadership of the Central Committee, and the cult of Comrade Mao Zedong was frenziedly pushed to an extreme. Lin Biao, Jiang Qing, Kang Sheng, Zhang Chunqiao and others, acting chiefly in the name of the "Cultural Revolution Group", exploited the situation to incite people to "overthrow everything and wage full scale civil war. " Around February 1967, at various meetings, Tan Zhenlin, Chen Yi, Ye Jianying, Li Fuchun, Li Xiannian, Xu Xiangqian, Nie Rongzhen and other Political Bureau Members and leading comrades of the Military Commission of the Central Committee sharply criticized the mistakes of the "cultural revolution. " This was labelled the "February adverse current" and they were attacked and repressed. Comrades Zhu De and Chen Yun were also wrongly criticized. Almost all leading Party and government departments in the different spheres and localities were stripped of their power or re-organized. The chaos was such that it was necessary to send in the People's Liberation Army to support the Left, the workers and the peasants and to institute military control and military training. It played a positive role in stabilizing the situation, but it also produced some negative consequences. The Ninth Congress of the Party legitimatized the erroneous theories and practices of the "cultural revolution, " and so reinforced the positions of Lin Biao, Jiang Qing, Kang Sheng and others in the Central Committee of the Party. The guidelines of the Ninth Congress were wrong, ideologically, politically and organizationally.

2)From the Ninth National Congress of the Party to its 10th National Congress in August 1973. In 1970-1971 the counter-revolutionary Lin Biao clique plotted to capture supreme power and attempted an armed counter-revolutionary coup d'etat. Such was the outcome of the "cultural revolution" which overturned a series of fundamental Party principles. Objectively, it announced the failure of the theories and practices of the "cultural revolution". Comrades Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai ingeniously thwarted the plotted coup. Supported by Comrade Mao Zedong, Comrade Zhou Enlai took charge of the day-to-day work of the Central Committee and things began to improve in all fields. During the criticism and repudiation of Lin Biao in 1972, he correctly proposed criticism of the ultra-Left trend of thought. In fact, this was an extension of the correct proposals put forward around February 1967 by many leading comrades of the Central Committee who had called for the correction of the errors of the "cultural revolution". Comrade Mao Zedong, however, erroneously held that the task was still to oppose the "ultra-Right". The 10th Congress of the Party perpetuated the "left" errors of the Ninth Congress and made Wang Hongwen a vice-chairman of the Party. Jiang Qing, Zhang Chunqiao, Yao Wenyuan and Wang Hongwen formed a gang of four inside the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, thus strengthening the influence of the counter-revolutionary Jiang Qing clique.

3)From the 10th Congress of the Party to October 1976. Early in 1974 Jiang Qing, Wang Hongwen and others launched a campaign to "criticize Lin Biao and Confucius. " Jiang Qing and the others directed the spearhead at Comrade Zhou Enlai, which was different in nature from the campaign conducted in some localities and organizations where individuals involved in and incidents connected with the conspiracies of the counter-revolutionary Lin Biao clique were investigated. Comrade Mao Zedong approved the launching of the movement to "criticize Lin Biao and Confucius. " When he found that Jiang Qing and the others were turning it to their advantage in order to seize power, he severely criticized them. He declared that they had formed a gang of four and pointed out that Jiang Qing harboured the wild ambition of making herself chairman of the Central Committee and "forming a cabinet" by political manipulation. In 1975, when Comrade Zhou Enlai was seriously ill, Comrade Deng Xiaoping, with the support of Comrade Mao Zedong, took charge of the day-to-day work of the Central Committee. He convened an enlarged meeting of the Military Commission of the Central Committee and several other important meetings with a view to solving problems in industry, agriculture, transport and science and technology, and began to straighten out work in many fields so that the situation took an obvious turn for the better. However, Comrade Mao Zedong could not bear to accept systematic correction of the errors of the "cultural revolution" by Comrade Deng Xiaoping and triggered the movement to "criticize Deng and counter the Right deviationist trend to reverse correct verdicts", once again plunging the nation into turmoil. In January of that year, Comrade Zhou Enlai passed away. Comrade Zhou Enlai was utterly devoted to the Party and the people and stuck to his post till his dying day. He found himself in an extremely difficult situation throughout the "cultural revolution. " He always kept the general interest in mind, bore the heavy burden of office without complaint, racking his brains and untiringly endeavouring to keep the normal work of the Party and the state going, to minimize the damage caused by the "cultural revolution" and to protect many Party and non-Party cadres. He waged all forms of struggle to counter sabotage by the counter-revolutionary Lin Biao and Jiang Qing cliques. His death left the whole Party and people in the most profound grief. In April of the same year, a powerful movement of protest signalled by the Tian An Men Incident swept the whole country, a movement to mourn for the late Premier Zhou Enlai and oppose the gang of four. In essence, the movement was a demonstration of support for the Party's correct leadership as represented by Comrade Deng Xiaoping. It laid the ground for massive popular support for the subsequent overthrow of the counter-revolutionary Jiang Qing clique. The Political Bureau of the Central Committee and Comrade Mao Zedong wrongly assessed the nature of the Tian An Men Incident and dismissed Comrade Deng Xiaoping from all his posts inside and outside the Party. As soon as Comrade Mao Zedong passed away in September 1976, the counter-revolutionary Jiang Qing clique stepped up its plot to seize supreme Party and state leadership. Early in October of the same year, the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, executing the will of the Party and the people, resolutely smashed the clique and brought the catastrophic "cultural revolution" to an end. This was a great victory won by the entire Party, army and people after prolonged struggle. Hua Guofeng, Ye Jianying, Li Xiannian and other comrades played a vital part in the struggle to crush the clique.

Chief responsibility for the grave "Left" error of the "cultural revolution", an error comprehensive in magnitude and protracted in duration, does indeed lie with Comrade Mao Zedong. But after all it was the error of a great proletarian revolutionary. Comrade Mao Zedong paid constant attention to overcoming shortcomings in the life of the Party and state. In his later years, however, far from making a correct analysis of many problems, he confused right and wrong and the people with the enemy during the "cultural revolution". While making serious mistakes, he repeatedly urged the whole Party to study the works of Marx, Engels and Lenin conscientiously and imagined that his theory and practice were Marxist and that they were essential for the consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Herein lies his tragedy. While persisting in the comprehensive error of the "cultural revolution, " he checked and rectified some of its specific mistakes, protected some leading Party cadres and non-Party public figures and enabled some leading cadres to return to important leading posts. He led the struggle to smash the counter-revolutionary Lin Biao clique. He made major criticisms and exposures of Jiang Qing, Zhang Chunqiao and others, frustrating their sinister ambition to seize supreme leadership. All this was crucial to the subsequent and relatively painless overthrow of the gang of four by the Party. In his later years, he still remained alert to safeguarding the security of the country, stood up to the pressure of the social-imperialists, pursued a correct foreign policy, firmly supported the just struggles of all peoples, outlined the correct strategy of the three worlds, and advanced the important principle that China would never seek hegemony. During the "cultural revolution" the Party was not destroyed, but maintained its unity. The State Council and the People's Liberation Army were still able to do much of their essential work. The Fourth National People's Congress which was attended by deputies from all nationalities and all walks of life was convened and it determined the composition of the State Council with Comrades Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping as the core of its leadership. The foundation of China's socialist system remained intact and it was possible to continue socialist economic construction. China remained united and exerted a significant influence on international affairs. All these important facts are inseparable from the great role played by Comrade Mao Zedong. For these reasons, and particularly for his vital contributions to the cause of the revolution over the years, the Chinese people have always regarded Comrade Mao Zedong as their respected and beloved great leader and teacher.

The struggle waged by the Party and the people against "Left" errors and against the counter-revolutionary Lin Biao and Jiang Qing cliques during the "cultural revolution" was arduous and full of twists and turns, and it never ceased. Rigorous tests throughout the "cultural revolution" have proved that standing on the correct side in the struggle were the overwhelming majority of Members of the Eighth Central Committee of the Party and the Members it elected to its Political Bureau, Standing Committee and Secretariat. Most of the Party cadres, whether they were wrongly dismissed or remained at their posts, whether they were rehabilitated early or late, are loyal to the Party and people and steadfast in their belief in the cause of socialism and communism. Most of the intellectuals, model workers, patriotic democrats, patriotic overseas Chinese and cadres and masses of all strata and all nationalities who had been wronged and persecuted did not waver in their love for the motherland and in their support for the Party and socialism. Party and state leaders such as Comrades Liu Shaoqi, Peng Dehuai, He Long and Tao Zhu and all other Party and non-Party comrades who were persecuted to death in the "cultural revolution" will live for ever in the memories of the Chinese people. It was through the joint struggles waged by the entire Party and the masses of workers, peasants, PLA officers and men, intellectuals, educated youth and cadres that the havoc wrought by the "cultural revolution" was somewhat mitigated. Some progress was made in China's economy despite tremendous losses. Grain output increased relatively steadily. Significant achievements were scored in industry, communications and capital construction and in science and technology. New railways were built and the Changjiang River Bridge at Nanjing was completed;a number of large enterprises using advanced technology went into operation;hydrogen bomb tests were successfully undertaken and man-made satellites successfully launched and retrieved;and new hybrid strains of long-grained rice were developed and popularized. Despite the domestic turmoil, the People's Liberation Army bravely defended the security of the motherland. And new prospects were opened up in the sphere of foreign affairs. Needless to say, none of these successes can be attributed in any way to the "cultural revolution, " without which China would have scored far greater achievements for her cause. Although China suffered from sabotage by the counter-revolutionary Lin Biao and Jiang Qing cliques during the "cultural revolution", she won out over them in the end. The Party, the people's political power, the people's army and Chinese society on the whole remained unchanged in nature. Once again history has proved that Chinese people are a great people and that the Communist Party and socialist system have enormous vitality.

The victory won in overthrowing the counter-revolutionary Jiang Qing clique, or the Gang of Four, in October 1976 saved the Party and the nation. But the "Cultural Revolution" left the serious consequences of political, ideological, organizational and economic confusion. The second generation of the collective leadership with Deng Xiaoping at the core shaped after the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in December 1978. (Mao Zedong was at the core of the CPC first generation of collective leadership, and Deng was an important member among that leadership. ) The second generation of collective leadership undertook the arduous tasks, realized the historic turn and enabled China to enter a new historical period of building socialism.

Before and after the convocation of the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee, the Party led and supported the large-scale debate about whether practice is the sole criterion for testing truth. The nationwide debate smashed the traditional personality cult on Chairman Mao Zedong and shattered the argument of the "two whatevers" , the notion pursued by then Party Chairman Hua Guofeng after the death of Chairman Mao. The erroneous notion included that whatever policy decisions Mao had made must be firmly upheld and whatever instructions he had given must be followed unswervingly. The statement first appeared in an editorial entitled "Study the Documents Carefully and Grasp the Key Link", which was published simultaneously in the People's Daily, the Liberation Army Daily and later in the monthly journal Hongqi, or the Red Flag. The debate upheld again the ideological principles of emancipating the mind and seeking truth from facts and brought order out of chaos.

The Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee decisively discarded the slogan "Take class struggle as the key link" , the "Left" political line which had become unsuitable in a socialist society, and made the strategic decision to concentrate instead on socialist modernization. The Party made efforts to set things right and started the all-round reform, which took economic development as the central task. In addition, it decided to open up to the outside world. Meanwhile, to counter the erroneous ideological trends during the process of setting wrong things right, the Party took a clear-cut stand for sticking to the socialist road, the People's democratic dictatorship, the leadership by the Communist Party, and Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. The basic line of "one central task and two basic points" , the shortened form of making economic development as the central task while adhering to the Four Cardinal Principles and persevering in reform and the open policy, were shaped, which decided the basis of the Party's basic principles at a new stage.

The implementation of the correct ideological and political lines must be ensured by a correct organizational line. The historic turn required the strengthening of organizational building. The Party urged to make all ranks of cadres more revolutionary, younger, better educated and more competent professionally. It abolished the de facto system of life tenure in leading Party and government posts and enabled new cadres to succeed the old ones in the central leading organs of the Party.

The CPC examined a large number of cases in the history of the Party in which the charges made against people had been false or exaggerated, or which had been dealt with incorrectly, and redressed the injustices that had been done. The Sixth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee held from June 27 to 29, 1981, examined and approved the "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party since the Founding of the People's Republic of China" . In this resolution the central committee made a scientific summation of the major events in the history of the Party over the 32 years since the founding of the People's Republic of China. They categorically negated the value of the "Cultural Revolution" and of the theory of "continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat" . But they also affirmed the importance of Mao Zedong's historical role and systematically expounded Mao Zedong Thought. With the development of domestic and international situation, it proved the courage and high vision of the CPC Central Committee to make such decisions.

After basically finishing bringing order out]]> Mon, 13 Aug 2007 23:35:00 EDT http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/241663 39.9288889 116.388333339.9288889116.3883333 http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/241071
The multi-party cooperation system in China differs from the single-party system practiced in some socialist countries and also fundamentally varies from the multi-party or two-party system in some capitalist countries. It has its own prominent characteristics.

First, the CPC is the sole party exercising political leadership in this system of multi-party cooperation. Organizationally independent, the CPC and the democratic parties are totally equal under the Constitution, but politically, the latter are subject to the leadership of the former. The leading role of the CPC has been generally accepted by various parties and people across the country after decades of practice. The CPC's leadership over other parties features political leadership focusing on political principles, political orientation and major policy decisions.

Second, under the leadership of the CPC, the democratic parties maintain close cooperative ties with the CPC politically. Though a ruling party, the CPC does not arrogate political power to itself. In a general sense, the democratic parties exist neither as political opposition forces nor as parties out of office that pit their wits against the ruling party like those in multi-party countries. The relationship between these parties and the CPC is based on political cooperation rather than political competition aimed at assuming State power. In this cooperative political relationship, the CPC is at the helm of the State while the other parties jointly participate in the administration of State affairs.

Third, a consensus on socialism is the political foundation of the multi-party cooperation system. Since its founding, the CPC has consistently taken socialism (communism) as the objective it strives toward. Through years of struggle and practice, the other parties have gradually forsaken the old democratic republicanism and accepted the socialist economic system and the democratic republic. This consensus reached by both the CPC and these democratic parties has formed a solid political foundation for multi-party cooperation.

Fourth, the guiding principle of multi-party cooperation is longterm coexistence and mutual supervision, treating each other with full sincerity and sharing weal and woe. This is the ideological foundation of multi-party cooperation. It helps promote mutual supervision and political democracy, and also stabilizes and strengthens the multi-party political system.

Finally, forms of cooperation between the CPC and other parties are diverse. For instance, members of the democratic parties are selected and appointed to leading posts in the State power structure. Their representatives are invited to attend the CPC congress as non-voting delegates and their opinions are solicited through various symposiums and cordial discussions. The Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) is the most important organization of all those serving as a channel and arena for cooperation between the CPC and other parties.

By the end of 2003, China's eight non-Communist parties had more than 600, 000 members.

Statistics show more than 140, 000 of those members had been elected as deputies to people's congresses at various levels. More than 8, 000 of them held leading posts in governmental and judicial departments above county-level.

Source: Gov.cn

]]> Sat, 11 Aug 2007 09:57:00 EDT http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/241071 39.9288889 116.388333339.9288889116.3883333 http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/240329 依然入不敷出。
而韦陀虽然管账是一把好手，但成天阴着个脸，太过严肃，搞得人越来越少，最后香火断绝。佛祖在查香火的时候发现了这个问题，就将他们俩放在同一个庙里，由弥乐佛负责公关，笑迎八方客，于是香火大旺。而韦陀铁面无私， 锱珠必较，则让他负责财务，严格把关。在两人的分工合作中，庙里一派欣欣向荣景象。
其实在用人大师的眼里，没有废人，正如武功高手，不需名贵宝剑，摘花飞叶即可伤人，关键看如何运用。

二、一个人去买鹦鹉，看到一只鹦鹉前标：此鹦鹉会两门语言，售价二百元。
另一只鹦鹉前则标道：此鹦鹉会四门语言，售价四百元。
该买哪只呢？两只都毛色光鲜，非常灵活可爱。这人转啊转，拿不定主意。
结果突然发现一只老掉了牙的鹦鹉，毛色暗淡散乱，标价八百元。
这人赶紧将老板叫来：这只鹦鹉是不是会说八门语言？
店主说：不。
这人奇怪了：那为什么又老又丑，又没有能力，会值这个数呢？
店主回答：因为另外两只鹦鹉叫这只鹦鹉老板。
这故事告诉我们，真正的领导人，不一定自己能力有多强，只要懂信任，懂放权，懂珍惜，就能团结比自己更强的力量，从而提升自己的身价。相反许多能力非常强的人却因为过于完美主义，事必躬亲，什么人都不如自己，最后只能做最好的攻关人员，销售代表，成不了优秀的领导人。

三、A，在合资公司做白领，觉得自己满腔抱负没有得到上级的赏识，经常想：如果有一天能见到老总，有机会展示一下自己的才干就好了！！
　　A的同事B，也有同样的想法，他更进一步，去打听老总上下班的时间，算好他大概会在何时进电梯，他也在这个时候去坐电梯，希望能遇到老总，有机会可以打个招呼。
　　他们的同事C更进一步。他详细了解老总的奋斗历程，弄清老总毕业的学校，人际风格，关心的问题，精心设计了几句简单却有份量的开场 白，在算好的时间去乘坐电梯，跟老总打过几次招呼后，终于有一天跟老总长谈了一次，不久就争取到了更好的职位。
　　愚者错失机会，智者善抓机会，成功者创造机会。机会只给准备好的人，这准备二字，并非说说而已。

四、一个心理学教授到疯人院参观，了解疯子的生活状态。一天下来，觉得这些人疯疯癫癫，行事出人意料，可算大开眼界。
　　想不到准备返回时，发现自己的车胎被人下掉了。“一定是哪个疯子干的！”教授这样愤愤地想道，动手拿备胎准备装上。
　　事情严重了。下车胎的人居然将螺丝也都下掉。没有螺丝有备胎也上不去啊！
　　教授一筹莫展。在他着急万分的时候，一个疯子蹦蹦跳跳地过来了，嘴里唱着不知名的欢乐歌曲。他发现了困境中的教授，停下来问发生了什么事。
　　教授懒得理他，但出于礼貌还是告诉了他。
　　疯子哈哈大笑说：“我有办法！”他从每个轮胎上面下了一个螺丝，这样就拿到三个螺丝将备胎装了上去。
　　教授惊奇感激之余，大为好奇：“请问你是怎么想到这个办法的？”
　　疯子嘻嘻哈哈地笑道：“我是疯子，可我不是呆子啊！”
　　其实，世上有许多的人，由于他们发现了工作中的乐趣，总会表现出与常人不一样的狂热，让人难以理解。许多人在笑话他们是疯子的时候，别人说不定还在笑他呆子呢。做人呆呆，处事聪明，在中国尤其不失为一种上佳做人姿态。

五、有一个博士分到一家研究所，成为学历最高的一个人。
　　有一天他到单位后面的小池塘去钓鱼，正好正副所长在他的一左一右，也在钓鱼。　　他只是微微点了点头，这两个本科生，有啥好聊的呢？
　　不一会儿，正所长放下钓竿，伸伸懒腰，蹭蹭蹭从水面上如飞地走到对面上厕所。
　　博士眼睛睁得都快掉下来了。水上飘？不会吧？这可是一个池塘啊。
　　正所长上完厕所回来的时候，同样也是蹭蹭蹭地从水上飘回来了。
　　怎么回事？博士生又不好去问，自己是博士生哪！
　　过一阵，副所长也站起来，走几步，蹭蹭蹭地飘过水面上厕所。这下子博士更是差点昏倒：不会吧，到了一个江湖高手集中的地方？
　　博士生也内急了。这个池塘两边有围墙，要到对面厕所非得绕十分钟的路，而回单位上又太远，怎么办？
　　博士生也不愿意去问两位所长，憋了半天后，也起身往水里跨：我就不信本科生能过的水面，我博士生不能过。
　　只听咚的一声，博士生栽到了水里。
　　两位所长将他拉了出来，问他为什么要下水，他问：“为什么你们可以走过去呢？”
　　两所长相视一笑：“这池塘里有两排木桩子，由于这两天下雨涨水正好在水面下。我们都知道这木桩的位置，所以可以踩着桩子过去。你怎么不问一声呢？”
　　学历代表过去，只有学习力才能代表将来。尊重经验的人，才能少走弯路。一个好的团队，也应该是学习型的团队。

六、A对B说：“我要离开这个公司。我恨这个公司！”
　　B建议道：“我举双手赞成你报复！！破公司一定要给它点颜色看看。不过你现在离开，还不是最好的时机。”
　　A问：？？？
　　B说：“如果你现在走，公司的损失并不大。你应该趁着在公司的机会，拼命去为自己拉一些客户，成为公司独挡一面的人物，然后带着这 些客户突然离开公司，公司才会受到重大损失，非常被动。”
　　A觉得B说的非常在理。于是努力工作，事遂所愿，半年多的努力工作后，他有了许多的忠实客户。
　　再见面时B问A：现在是时机了，要跳赶快行动哦！
　　A淡然笑道：老总跟我长谈过，准备升我做总经理助理，我暂时没有离开的打算了。
　　其实这也正是B的初衷。一个人的工作，永远只是为自己的简历。只有付出大于得到， 让老板真正看到你的能力大于位置，才会给你更多的机会替他创造更多利润。

七、曾经有个小国到中国来，进贡了三个一模一样的金人，金壁辉煌，把皇帝高兴坏了。可是这小国不厚道，同时出一道题目：这三个金人哪个最有价值？
　　皇帝想了许多的办法，请来珠宝匠检查，称重量，看做工，都是一模一样的。怎么办？使者还等着回去汇报呢。泱泱大国，不会连这个小事都不懂吧？
　　最后，有一位退位的老大臣说他有办法。
　　皇帝将使者请到大殿，老臣胸有成足地拿着三根稻草，插入第一个金人的耳朵里，这稻草从另一边耳朵出来了。第二个金人的稻草从嘴巴里直接掉出来，而第三个金人，稻草进去后掉进了肚子，什么响动也没有。老臣说：第三个金人最有价值！使者默默无语，答案正确。
　　这个故事告诉我们，最有价值的人，不一定是最能说的人的人。老天给我们两只耳朵一个嘴巴，本来就是让我们多听少说的。善于倾听，才是成熟的人最基本的素质。

八、有一位表演大师上场前，他的弟子告诉他鞋带松了。大师点头致谢，蹲下来仔细系好。等到弟子转身后，又蹲下来将鞋带解松。
　　有个旁观者看到了这一切，不解地问：“大师，您为什么又要将鞋带解松呢？”大师回答道：“因为我饰演的是一位劳累的旅者，长途跋涉让他的鞋事松开，可以通过这个细节表现他的劳累憔悴.”
　　“那你为什么不直接告诉你的弟子呢？”
　　“他能细心地发现我的鞋带松了，并且热心地告诉我，我一定要保护他这种热情的积极性，及时地给他鼓励，至于为什么要将鞋带解开，将来会有更多的机会教他表演，可以下一次再说啊。”
　　人一个时间只能做一件事，懂抓重点，才是真正的人才。

九、陈阿土是台湾的农民，从来没有出过远门。攒了半辈子的钱，终于参加一个旅游团出了国。
　　国外的一切都是非常新鲜的，关键是，陈阿土参加的是豪华团，一个人住一个标准间。这让他新奇不已。
　　早晨，服务生来敲门送早餐时大声说道：“GOODMORNING SIR！”
　　陈阿土愣住了。这是什么意思呢？在自己的家乡，一般陌生的人见面都会问：“您贵姓？”
　　于是陈阿土大声叫道：“我叫陈阿土！”
　　如是这般，连着三天，都是那个服务生来敲门，每天都大声说：“GOODMORNING SIR！ ”而陈阿土亦大声回道：“我叫陈阿土！”
　　但他非常的生气。这个服务生也太笨了，天天问自己叫什么，告诉他又记不住，很烦的。终于他忍不住去问导游，“GOODMORNING SIR！”是什么意思，导游告诉了他，天啊！！真是丢脸死了。
　　陈阿土反复练习“GOODMORNING SIR！”这个词，以便能体面地应对服务生。
　　又一天的早晨，服务生照常来敲门，门一开陈阿土就大声叫道：“GOODMORNING SIR！ ”
　　与此同时，服务生叫的是：“我是陈阿土！”
　　这个故事告诉我们，人与人交往，常常是意志力与意志力的较量。不是你影响他，就是他影响你，而我们要想成功，一定要培养自己的影响力，只有影响力大的人才可以成为最强者。

十、有个富家子弟特别爱吃饺子，每天都要吃。但他又特别刁，只吃馅，两头的皮尖尖就丢到后面的小河里去。
　　好景不长，在他十六岁那年，一把大火烧了他的全家，父母急怒中相继病逝。这下他身无分文，又不好意思要饭。邻居家大嫂非常好，每餐给他吃一碗面糊糊。他则发奋读书，三年后考取官位回来，一定要感谢邻居大嫂。
　　大嫂对他讲：不要感谢我。我没有给你什么，都是我收集的当年你丢的饺子皮尖，晒干后装了好凡麻袋，本来是想备不时之需的。正好你有需要，就又还给你了。
　　大官思考良久，良久。。。。
　　有一个有名的三八理论：八小时睡觉，八小时工作，这个人人一样。人与人之间的不同，是在于业余时间怎么渡过。时间是最有情，也最无情的东西，每人拥有的都一样，非常公平。但拥有资源的人不一定成功，善用资源的人才会成功。白天图生存，晚上求发展，这是二十一世纪对人才的要求。

十一、有三个人要被关进监狱三年，监狱长给他们三个一人一个要求。
　　美国人爱抽雪茄，要了三箱雪茄。
　　法国人最浪漫，要一个美丽的女子相伴。
　　而犹太人说，他要一部与外界沟通的电话。
　　三年过后，第一个冲出来的是美国人，嘴里鼻孔里塞满了雪茄，大喊道：“给我火，给我火！”原来他忘了要火了。
　　接着出来的是法国人。只见他手里抱着一个小孩子，美丽女子手里牵着一个小孩子，肚子里还怀着第三个。
　　最后出来的是犹太人，他紧紧握住监狱长的手说：“这三年来我每天与外界联系，我的生意不但没有停顿，反而增长了200％，为了表示感谢，我送你一辆劳施莱斯！”
　　这个故事告诉我们，什么样的选择决定什么样的生活。今天的生活是由三年前我们的选择决定的，而今天我们的抉择将决定我们三年后的生活。我们要选择接触最新的信息，了解最新的趋势，从而更好的创造自己的将来。

十二、两个人在森林里，遇到了一只大老虎。A就赶紧从背后取下一双更轻便的运动鞋换上。B急死了，骂道：“你干嘛呢，再换鞋也跑不过老虎啊！”
　　A说：“我只要跑得比你快就好了。”
　　二十一世纪，没有危机感是最大的危机。特别是入关在即，电信，银行，保险，甚至是公务员这些我们以为非常稳定和有保障的企业，也会面临许多的变数。当更多的老虎来临时，我们没有有准备好自己的跑鞋？

十三、父子两住山上，每天都要赶牛车下山卖柴。老父较有经验，坐镇驾车，山路崎岖，弯道特多，儿子眼神较好，总是在要转弯时提醒道：“爹，转弯啦！”
　　有一次父亲因病没有下山，儿子一人驾车。到了弯道，牛怎么也不肯转弯，儿子用尽各种方法，下车又推又拉，用青草诱之，牛一动不动。
　　到底是怎么回事？儿子百思不得其解。最后只有一个办法了，他左右看看无人，贴近牛的耳朵大声叫道：“爹，转弯啦！”
　　牛应声而动。
　　牛用条件反射的方式活着，而人则以习惯生活。一个成功的人晓得如何培养好的习惯来代替坏的习惯，当好的习惯积累多了，自然会有一个好的人生。

十四、五岁的汉克和爸爸妈妈哥哥一起到森林干活，突然间下起雨来，可是他们只带了一块雨披。
　　爸爸将雨披给了妈妈，妈妈给了哥哥，哥哥又给了汉克。
　　汉克问道：“为什么爸爸给了妈妈，妈妈给了哥哥，哥哥又给了我呢？”
　　爸爸回答道：“因为爸爸比妈妈强大，妈妈比哥哥强大，哥哥又比你强大呀。我们都会保护比较弱小的人。”
　　汉克左右看了看，跑过去将雨披撑开来挡在了一朵风雨中飘摇的娇弱小花上面。
　　这个故事告诉我们，真正的强者不一定是多有力，或者多有钱，而是他对别人多有帮助。
　　责任可以让我们将事做完整，爱可以让我们将事情做好。

十五、有位秀才第三次进京赶考，住在一个经常住的店里。考试前两天他做了三个梦，第一个梦是梦到自己在墙上种白菜，第二个梦是下雨天，他戴了斗笠还打伞，第三个梦是梦到跟心爱的表妹脱光了衣服躺在一起，但是背靠着背。
　　这三个梦似乎有些深意，秀才第二天就赶紧去找算命的解梦。算命的一听，连拍大腿说：“你还是回家吧。你想想，高墙上种菜不是白费劲吗？戴斗笠打雨伞不是多此一举吗？跟表妹都脱光了躺在一张床上了，却背靠背，不是没戏吗？”
　　秀才一听，心灰意冷，回店收拾包袱准备回家。店老板非常奇怪，问：“不是明天才考试吗，今天你怎么就回乡了？”
　　秀才如此这般说了一番，店老板乐了：“哟，我也会解梦的。我倒觉得，你这次一定要留下来。你想想，墙上种菜不是高种吗？戴斗笠打伞不是说明你这次有备无患吗？跟你表妹脱光了背靠靠躺在床上，不是说明你翻身的时候就要到了吗？”
　　秀才一听，更有道理，于是精神振奋地参加考试，居然中了个探花。
　　积极的人，象太阳，照到哪里哪里亮，消极的人，象月亮，初一十五不一样。想法决定我们的生活，有什么样的想法，就有什么样的未来。

十六、在动物园里的小骆驼问妈妈：“妈妈妈妈，为什么我们的睫毛那么地长？”
　　骆驼妈妈说：“当风沙来的时候，长长的睫毛可以让我们在风暴中都能看得到方向。”
　　小骆驼又问：“妈妈妈妈，为什么我们的背那么驼，丑死了！”
　　骆驼妈妈说：“这个叫驼峰，可以帮我们储存大量的水和养分，让我们能在沙漠里耐受十几天的无水无食条件。”
　　小骆驼又问：“妈妈妈妈，为什么我们的脚掌那么厚？”
　　骆驼妈妈说：“那可以让我们重重的身子不至于陷在软软的沙子里，便于长途跋涉啊。”
　　小骆驼高兴坏了：“哗，原来我们这么有用啊！！可是妈妈，为什么我们还在动物园里，不去沙漠远足呢？”
　　天生我才必有用，可惜现在没人用。一个好的心态+一本成功的教材+一个无限的舞台=成功。每人的潜能是无限的，关键是要找到一个能充分发挥潜能的舞台。

十七、有七个人曾经住在一起，每天分一大桶粥。要命的是，粥每天都是不够的。
　　一开始，他们抓阄决定谁来分粥，每天轮一个。于是乎每周下来，他们只有一天是饱的，就是自己分粥的那一天。
　　后来他们开始推选出一个道德高尚的人出来分粥。强权就会产生腐败，大家开始挖空心思去讨好他，贿赂他，搞得整个小团体乌烟障气。
　　然后大家开始组成三人的分粥委员会及四人的评选委员会，互相攻击扯皮下来，粥吃到嘴里全是凉的。
　　最后想出来一个方法：轮流分粥，但分粥的人要等其它人都挑完后拿剩下的最后一碗。为了不让自己吃到最少的，每人都尽量分得平均，就算不平，也只能认了。大家快快乐乐，和和气气，日子越过越好。
　　同样是七个人，不同的分配制度，就会有不同的风气。所以一个单位如果有不好的工作习气，一定是机制问题，一定是没有完全公平公正公开，没有严格的奖勤罚懒。如何制订这样一个制度，是每个领导需要考虑的问题。

十八、我想跟什么样的人合作
　　曾经有人采访比尔盖次成功的秘决。比尔盖次说：因为又有更多的成功人士在为我工作。
　　陈安之的超级成功学也有提到：先为成功的人工作，再与成功的人合作，最后是让成功的人为你工作。
　　成功的人很多，但在我生活中我不认识，也没有办法去为他工作，而让成功的人为我工作，在现阶段，我更没有这个实力。
　　只有合作，是我最喜欢和最欣赏的。我也力图借助一个宽松的环境和积极的团队，与更多的人公平合作，以便在未来替自己经营一个抵抗风险的事业。我最喜欢合作的人应该有以下几个特点：
　　一。不甘心。二十一世纪，最大的危机是没有危机感，最大的陷阱是满足。人要学会用望远镜看世界，而不是用近视眼看世界。顺境时要想着为自己找个退路，逆境时要懂为自己找出路.
　　二.学习力强.学历代表过去,学习力掌握将来.懂得从任何的细节,所有的人身上学习和感悟,并且要懂得举一反三。主要的是，学习，其实是学与习两个字。学一次，做一百次，才能真正掌握。学，做，教是一个完整的过程，只有达到教的程度，才算真正吃透。而且在更多时候，学习是一种态度。只有谦卑的人，才真正学到东西。大海之所以成为大海，是因为它比所有的河流都低。
　　三。行动力强。只有行动才会有结果。行动不一样，结果才不一样。知道不去做，等于不知道，做了没有结果，等于没有做。不犯错误，一定会错，因为不犯错误的人一定没有尝试。错了不要紧，一定要善于总结，然后再做，一直到正确的结果出来为止。
　　四。要懂付出。要想杰出一定得先付出。斤斤计较的人，一生只得两斤。没有点奉献精神，是不可能创业的。要先用行动让别人知道，你有超过所得的价值，别人才会开更高的价。
　　五。有强烈的沟通意识。沟通无极限，这更是一种态度，而非一种技巧。一个好的团队当然要有共同的愿景，非一日可以得来。需要无时不在的沟通，从目标到细节，甚至到家庭等等，都在沟通的内容之列。
　　六。诚恳大方。每人都有不同的立场，不可能要求利益都一致。关键是大家都要开诚布公地谈清楚，不要委屈求全。相信诚信才是合作的最好基石。
　　七。有最基本的道德观。曾经有一个记者在家写稿时，他的四岁儿子吵着要他陪。记者很烦，就将一本杂志的封底撕碎，对他儿子说：“ 你先将这上面的世界地图拼完整，爸爸就陪你玩。”过了不到五分钟，儿子又来拖他的手说：“爸爸我拼好了，陪我玩！”
　　记者很生气：“小孩子要玩是可以理解的，但如果说谎话就不好了。怎么可能这么快就拼好世界地图！”
　　儿子非常委屈：“可是我真的拼好了呀！”
　　记者一看，果然如此：不会吧？家里出现了神童？他非常好奇地问：“你是怎么做到的？”
　　儿子说：世界地图的背面是一个人的头像。我反过来拼，只要这个人好了，世界就完整了。
　　所以做事先做人。做人做好了，他的世界也就是好的。]]> Wed, 08 Aug 2007 22:28:00 EDT http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/240329 39.9288889 116.388333339.9288889116.3883333 http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/162161 祝大家金猪年学业有成，万事如意！
也祝我们共同的全球青年社区越办越好！
Happy Chinese New Year! Enjoy Spring Festival!
Wish you all in the Gold Pig Year which is the only one in 60 years!
And Bless our home TIG-China!
]]> Thu, 15 Feb 2007 22:26:00 EST http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/162161 39.9288889 116.388333339.9288889116.3883333 http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/162159 （唐）孟浩然
昨夜斗回北，今朝岁起东；
我年已强壮，无禄尚忧农。
桑野就耕父，荷锄随牧童；
田家占气候，共说此年丰。
《卖痴呆词》
（唐）范成大
除夕更阑人不睡，厌禳钝滞迫新岁；
小儿呼叫走长街，云有痴呆召人卖。

《除夜》
（唐）来鹄
事关休戚已成空，万里相思一夜中。
愁到晓鸡声绝后，又将憔悴见春风。

元日
（宋）王安石
爆竹声中一岁除，春风送暖入屠苏；
千门万户瞳瞳日，总把新桃换旧符。

元日 玉楼春
（宋）毛滂
一年滴尽莲花漏，碧井屠苏沉冻酒。
晓寒料峭尚欺人，春态苗条先到柳。
佳人重劝千长寿，柏叶椒花芬翠袖。
醉乡深处少相知，祇与东君偏故旧。


除夜
（南宋）文天祥
乾坤空落落，岁月去堂堂；
末路惊风雨，穷边饱雪霜。
命随年欲尽，身与世俱忘；
无复屠苏梦，挑灯夜未央。

拜年
（明）文征明
不求见面惟通谒，名纸朝来满敝庐。
我亦随人投数纸，世情嫌简不嫌虚。

已酉新正
（明）叶颙
天地风霜尽，乾坤气象和；
历添新岁月，春满旧山河。
梅柳芳容徲，松篁老态多；
屠苏成醉饮，欢笑白云窝。

癸已除夕偶成　　　
（清）黄景仁
千家笑语漏迟迟，忧患潜从物外知，
悄立市桥人不识，一星如月看多时。

凤城新年辞
（清）查慎行
巧裁幡胜试新罗，画彩描金作闹蛾；
从此剪刀闲一月，闺中针线岁前多。
　　　
甲午元旦
（清）孔尚任
萧疏白发不盈颠，守岁围炉竟废眠。
剪烛催干消夜酒，倾囊分遍买春钱。
听烧爆竹童心在，看换桃符老兴偏。
鼓角梅花添一部，五更欢笑拜新年。


元旦口占用柳亚子怀人韵　
　　　　　　　　　　　董必武
共庆新年笑语哗，红岩士女赠梅花；
举杯互敬屠苏酒，散席分尝胜利茶。
只有精忠能报国，更无乐土可为家；
陪都歌舞迎佳节，遥视延安景物华。

春节看花市
林伯渠
迈街相约看花市，却倚骑楼似画廊；
束立盆栽成列队，草株木本斗芬芳。
通宵灯火人如织，一派歌声喜欲狂，
正是今年风景美，千红万紫报春光。
]]> Thu, 15 Feb 2007 22:26:00 EST http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/162159 39.9288889 116.388333339.9288889116.3883333 http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/162157 　　扫尘
　　“腊月二十四，掸尘扫房子” ，据《吕氏春秋》记载，我国在尧舜时代就有春节扫尘的风俗。按民间的说法：因“尘”与“陈”谐音，新春扫尘有“除陈布新”的涵义，其用意是要把一切穷运、晦气统统扫出门。这一习俗寄托着人们破旧立新的愿望和辞旧迎新的祈求。 每逢春节来临，家家户户都要打扫环境，清洗各种器具，拆洗被褥窗帘，洒扫六闾庭院，掸拂尘垢蛛网，疏浚明渠暗沟。到处洋溢着欢欢喜喜搞卫生、干干净净迎新春的欢乐气氛。

　　贴春联
　　春联也叫门对、春贴、对联、对子、桃符等，它以工整、对偶、简洁、精巧的文字描绘时代背景，抒发美好愿望，是我国特有的文学形式。每逢春节，无论城市还是农村，家家户户都要精选一幅大红春联贴于门上，为节日增加喜庆气氛。这一习俗起于宋代，在明代开始盛行，到了清代，春联的思想性和艺术性都有了很大的提高，梁章矩编写的春联专著《槛联丛话》对楹联的起源及各类作品的特色都作了论述。

　　春联的种类比较多，依其使用场所，可分为门心、框对、横披、春条、斗方等。“门心”贴于门板上端中心部位；“框对”贴于左右两个门框上；“横披”贴于门媚的横木上；“春条”根据不同的内容，贴于相应的地方；“斗斤”也叫“门叶”，为正方菱形，多贴在家俱、影壁中。

　　贴窗花和倒贴“福”字
　　在民间人们还喜欢在窗户上贴上各种剪纸——窗花。窗花不仅烘托了喜庆的节日气氛，也集装饰性、欣赏性和实用性于一体。剪纸在我国是一种很普及的民间艺术，千百年来深受人们的喜爱，因它大多是贴在窗户上的，所以也被称其为“窗花”。窗花以其特有的概括和夸张手法将吉事祥物、美好愿望表现得淋漓尽致，将节日装点得红火富丽。

　　在贴春联的同时，一些人家要在屋门上、墙壁上、门楣上贴上大大小小的“福”字。春节贴“福”字，是我国民间由来已久的风俗。“福”字指福气、福运，寄托了人们对幸福生活的向往，对美好未来的祝愿。为了更充分地体现这种向往和祝愿，有的人干脆将“福”字倒过来贴，表示“幸福已到”“福气已到”。民间还有将“福”字精描细做成各种图案的，图案有寿星、寿桃、鲤鱼跳龙门、五谷丰登、龙凤呈祥等。

　　年画
　　春节挂贴年画在城乡也很普遍，浓黑重彩的年画给千家万户平添了许多兴旺欢乐的喜庆气氛。年画是我国的一种古老的民间艺术，反映了人民朴素的风俗和信仰，寄托着他们对未来的希望。年画，也和春联一样，起源于“门神”。 随着木板印刷术的兴起，年画的内容已不仅限于门神之类单调的主题，变得丰富多彩，在一些年画作坊中产生了《福禄寿三星图》、《天官赐福》、《五谷丰登》、《六畜兴旺》、《迎春接福》等精典的彩色年画、以满足人们喜庆祈年的美好愿望。 我国出现了年画三个重要产地：苏州桃花坞，天津杨柳青和山东潍坊；形成了中国年画的三大流派，各具特色。

　　我国现今我国收藏最早的年画是南宋《随朝窈窕呈倾国之芳容》的木刻年画，画的是王昭君、赵飞燕、班姬和绿珠四位古代美人。民间流传最广的是一幅《老鼠娶亲》的年画。描绘了老鼠依照人间的风俗迎娶新娘的有趣场面。民国初年，上海郑曼陀将月历和年画二者结合起来。这是年画的一种新形式。这种合二而一的年画，以后发展成挂历，至今风靡全国。

　　守岁
　　除夕守岁是最重要的年俗活动之一，守岁之俗由来已久。最早记载见于西晋周处的《风土志》：除夕之夜，各相与赠送，称为“馈岁”；酒食相邀，称为“别岁”；长幼聚饮，祝颂完备，称为“分岁”；大家终夜不眠，以待天明，称曰“守岁”。

　　“一夜连双岁，五更分二天”，除夕之夜，全家团聚在一起，吃过年夜饭，点起蜡烛或油灯，围坐炉旁闲聊，等着辞旧迎新的时刻，通宵守夜，象征着把一切邪瘟病疫照跑驱走，期待着新的一年吉祥如意。这种习俗后来逐渐盛行，到唐朝初期，唐太宗李世民写有“守岁”诗：“寒辞去冬雪，暖带入春风”。直到今天，人们还习惯在除夕之夜守岁迎新。
古时守岁有两种含义：年长者守岁为“辞旧岁”，有珍爱光阴的意思；年轻人守岁，是为延长父母寿命。自汉代以来，新旧年交替的时刻一般为夜半时分。

　　爆竹
　　中国民间有“开门爆竹”一说。即在新的一年到来之际，家家户户开门的第一件事就是燃放爆竹，以哔哔叭叭的爆竹声除旧迎新。爆竹是中国特产，亦称“爆仗”、“炮仗”、“鞭炮”。其起源很早，至今已有两千多年的历史。放爆竹可以创造出喜庆热闹的气氛，是节日的一种娱乐活动，可以给人们带来欢愉和吉利。随着时间的推移，爆竹的应用越来越广泛，品种花色也日见繁多，每逢重大节日及喜事庆典，及婚嫁、建房、开业等，都要燃放爆竹以示庆贺，图个吉利。现在，湖南浏阳，广东佛山和东尧，江西的宜春和萍乡、浙江温州等地区是我国著名的花炮之乡,生产的爆竹花色多，品质高，不仅畅销全国，而且还远销世界。

　　拜年
　　新年的初一，人们都早早起来，穿上最漂亮的衣服，打扮得整整齐齐，出门去走亲访友，相互拜年，恭祝来年大吉大利。拜年的方式多种多样，有的是同族长带领若干人挨家挨户地拜年；有的是同事相邀几个人去拜年；也有大家聚在一起相互祝贺，称为“团拜”。由于登门拜年费时费力，后来一些上层人物和士大夫便使用各贴相互投贺，由此发展出来后来的“贺年片”。
春节拜年时，晚辈要先给长辈拜年，祝长辈人长寿安康，长辈可将事先准备好的压岁钱分给晚辈，据说压岁钱可以压住邪祟，因为“岁”与“祟”谐音，晚辈得到压岁钱就可以平平安安度过一岁。压岁钱有两种，一种是以彩绳穿线编作龙形，置于床脚，此记载见于《燕京岁时记》；另一种是最常见的，即由家长用红纸包裹分给孩子的钱。压岁钱可在晚辈拜年后当众赏给，亦可在除夕夜孩子睡着时，由家长偷偷地放在孩子的枕头底下。现在长辈为晚辈分送压岁钱的习俗仍然盛行。
　　
　　春节食俗
　　在古代的农业社会里，大约自腊月初八以后，家庭主妇们就要忙着张罗过年的食品了。因为腌制腊味所需的时间较长，所以必须尽早准备，我国许多省份都有腌腊味的习俗，其中又以广东省的腊味最为著名。

　　蒸年糕，年糕因为谐音“年高”，再加上有着变化多端的口味，几乎成了家家必备的应景食品。年糕的式样有方块状的黄、白年糕，象征着黄金、白银，寄寓新年发财的意思。

　　年糕的口味因地而异。北京人喜食江米或黄米制成的红枣年糕、百果年糕和白年糕。河北人则喜欢在年糕中加入大枣、小红豆及绿豆等一起蒸食。山西北部在内蒙古等地，过年时习惯吃黄米粉油炸年糕，有的还包上豆沙、枣泥等馅，山东人则用黄米、红枣蒸年糕。北方的年糕以甜为主，或蒸或炸，也有人干脆沾糖吃。南方的年糕则甜咸兼具，例如苏州及宁波的年糕，以粳米制作，味道清淡。除了蒸、炸以外，还可以切片炒食或是煮汤。甜味的年糕以糯米粉加白糖、猪油、玫瑰、桂花、薄荷、素蓉等配料，做工精细，可以直接蒸食或是沾上蛋清油炸。

　　真正过年的前一夜叫团圆夜，离家在外的游子都要不远千里万里赶回家来，全家人要围坐在一起包饺子过年，饺子的作法是先和面做成饺子皮，再用皮包上馅，馅的内容是五花八门，各种肉、蛋、海鲜、时令蔬菜等都可入馅，正统的饺子吃法，是清水煮熟，捞起后以调有醋、蒜末、香油的酱油为佐料沾着吃。也有炸饺子、烙饺子（锅贴）等吃法。因为和面的“和”字就是“合”的意思；饺子的“饺”和“交”谐音，“合”和“交”又有相聚之意，所以用饺子象征团聚合欢；又取更岁交子之意，非常吉利；此外，饺子因为形似元宝，过年时吃饺子，也带有“招财进宝”的吉祥含义。一家大小聚在一起包饺子，话新春，其乐融融。
]]> Thu, 15 Feb 2007 22:25:00 EST http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/162157 39.9288889 116.388333339.9288889116.3883333 http://lintennis.tigblog.org/post/162155 　　1949年9月27日，新中国成立，在中国人民政治协商会议第一届全体会议上，通过了使用世界上通用的公历纪元，把公历的元月一日定为元旦，俗称阳历年；农历正月初一通常都在立春前后，因而把农历正月初一定为“春节”，俗称阴历年。
传统意义上的春节是指从腊月初八的腊祭或腊月二十三的祭灶，一直到正月十五，其中以除夕和正月初一为高潮。在春节这一传统节日期间，我国的汉族和大多数少数民族都有要举行各种庆祝活动，这些活动大多以祭祀神佛、祭奠祖先、除旧布新、迎禧接福、祈求丰年为主要内容。活动形式丰富多彩，带有浓郁的民族特色。

　　春节传说之一：熬年守岁

　　守岁，就是在旧年的最后一天夜里不睡觉，熬夜迎接新一年的到来的习俗，也叫除夕守岁，俗名“熬年”。探究这个习俗的来历，在民间流传着一个有趣的故事：

　　太古时期，有一种凶猛的怪兽，散居在深山密林中，人们管它们叫“年”。它的形貌狰狞，生性凶残，专食飞禽走兽、鳞介虫豸，一天换一种口味，从磕头虫一直吃到大活人，让人谈“年”色变。后来，人们慢慢掌握了“年”的活动规律，它是每隔三百六十五天窜到人群聚居的地方尝一次口鲜，而且出没的时间都是在天黑以后，等到鸡鸣破晓，它们便返回山林中去了。

　　算准了“年”肆虐的日期，百姓们便把这可怕的一夜视为关口来煞，称作“年关”，并且想出了一整套过年关的办法：每到这一天晚上，每家每户都提前做好晚饭，熄火净灶，再把鸡圈牛栏全部拴牢，把宅院的前后门都封住，躲在屋里吃“年夜饭”，由于这顿晚餐具有凶吉未卜的意味，所以置办得很丰盛，除了要全家老小围在一起用餐表示和睦团圆外，还须在吃饭前先供祭祖先，祈求祖先的神灵保佑，平安地度过这一夜，吃过晚饭后，谁都不敢睡觉，挤坐在一起闲聊壮胆。就逐渐形成了除夕熬年守岁的习惯。

　　守岁习俗兴起于南北朝，梁朝的不少文人都有守岁的诗文。“一夜连双岁，五更分二年。”人们点起蜡烛或油灯，通宵守夜，象征着把一切邪瘟 病疫照跑驱走，期待着新的一年吉祥如意。这种风俗被人们流传至今。

　　春节传说之二：万年创建历法说

　　相传，在古时候，有个名叫万年的青年，看到当时节令很乱，就有了想把节令定准的打算。但是苦于找不到计算时间的方法，一天，他上山砍柴累了，坐在树阴下休息，树影的移动启发了他，他设计了一个测日影计天时的晷仪，测定一天的时间，后来，山崖上的滴泉启发了他的灵感，他又动手做了一个五层漏壶，来计算时间。天长日久，他发现每隔三百六十多天，四季就轮回一次，天时的长短就重复一遍。


　　当时的国君叫祖乙，也常为天气风云的不测感到苦恼。万年知道后，就带着日晷和漏壶去见皇上，对祖乙讲清了日月运行的道理。祖乙听后龙颜大悦，感到有道理。于是把万年留下，在天坛前修建日月阁，筑起日晷台和漏壶亭。并希望能测准日月规律，推算出准确的晨夕时间，创建历法，为天下的黎民百姓造福。

　　有一次，祖乙去了解万年测试历法的进展情况。当他登上日月坛时，看见天坛边的石壁上刻着一首诗：

　　日出日落三百六，周而复始从头来。
　　草木枯荣分四时，一岁月有十二圆。

　　知道万年创建历法已成，亲自登上日月阁看望万年。万年指着天象，对祖乙说：“现在正是十二个月满，旧岁已完，新春复始，祈请国君定个节吧”。祖乙说：“春为岁首，就叫春节吧”。据说这就是春节的来历。
冬去春来，年复一年，万年经过长期观察，精心推算，制定出了准确的太阳历，当他把太阳历呈奉给继任的国君时，已是满面银须。国君深为感动，为纪念万年的功绩，便将太阳历命名为“万年历”，封万年为日月寿星。以后，人们在过年时挂上寿星图，据说就是为了纪念德高望重的万年。


　　春节传说之三：贴春联和门神

　　据说贴春联的习俗，大约始于一千多年前的后蜀时期，这是有史为证的。此外根据《玉烛宝典》，《燕京岁时记》等著作记载，春联的原始形式就是人们所说的“桃符”。

　　在中国古代神话中，相传有一个鬼域的世界，当中有座山，山上有一棵覆盖三千里的大桃树，树梢上有一只金鸡。每当清晨金鸡长鸣的时候，夜晚出去游荡的鬼魂必赶回鬼域。鬼域的大门坐落在桃树的东北，门边站着两个神人，名叫神荼、郁垒。如果鬼魂在夜间干了伤天害理的事情，神荼、郁垒就会立即发现并将它捉住，用芒苇做的绳子把它捆起来，送去喂虎。因而天下的鬼都畏惧神荼、郁垒。于是民间就用桃木刻成他们的模样，放在自家门口，以避邪防害。后来，人们干脆在桃木板上刻上神荼、郁垒的名字，认为这样做同样可以镇邪去恶。这种桃木板后来就被叫做“桃符”。

　　到了宋代，人们便开始在桃木板上写对联，一则不失桃木镇邪的意义，二则表达自己美好心愿，三则装饰门户，以求美观。又在象征喜气吉祥的红纸上写对联，新春之际贴在门窗两边，用以表达人们祈求来年福运的美好心愿。

　　为了祈求一家的福寿康宁，一些地方的人们还保留着贴门神的习惯。据说，大门上贴上两位门神，一切妖魔鬼怪都会望而生畏。在民间，门神是正气和武力的象征，古人认为，相貌出奇的人往往具有神奇的禀性和不凡的本领。他们心地正直善良，捉鬼擒魔是他们的天性和责任，人们所仰慕的捉鬼天师钟馗，即是此种奇形怪相。所以民间的门神永远都怒目圆睁，相貌狰狞，手里拿着各种传统的武器，随时准备同敢于上门来的鬼魅战斗。由于我国民居的大门，通常都是两扇对开，所以门神总是成双成对。

　　唐朝以后，除了以往的神荼、郁垒二将以外，人们又把秦叔宝和尉迟恭两位唐代武将当作门神。相传，唐太宗生病，听见门外鬼魅呼号，彻夜不得安宁。于是他让这两位将军手持武器立于门旁镇守，第二天夜里就再也没有鬼魅搔扰了。其后，唐太宗让人把这两位将军的形象画下来贴在门上，这一习俗开始在民间广为流传。
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　　春节到了，意味着春天将要来临，万象复苏草木更新，新一轮播种和收获季节又要开始。人们刚刚度过冰天雪地草木凋零的漫漫寒冬，早就盼望着春暖花开的日子，当新春到来之际，自然要充满喜悦载歌载舞地迎接这个节日。
　　千百年来，人们使年俗庆祝活动变得异常丰富多彩，每年从农历腊月二十三日起到年三十，民间把这段时间叫做“迎春日”，也叫“扫尘日”，在春节前扫尘搞卫生，是我国人民素有的传统习惯。

　　然后就是家家户户准备年货，节前十天左右，人们就开始忙于采购物品，年货包括鸡鸭鱼肉、茶酒油酱、南北炒货、糖饵果品，都要采买充足，还要准备一些过年时走亲访友时赠送的礼品，小孩子要添置新衣新帽，准备过年时穿。
　
　　在节前要在住宅的大门上粘贴红纸黄字的新年寄语，也就是用红纸写成的春联。屋里张贴色彩鲜艳寓意吉祥的年画，心灵手巧的姑娘们剪出美丽的窗花贴在窗户上，门前挂大红灯笼或贴福字及财神、门神像等，福字还可以倒贴，路人一念福倒了，也就是福气到了，所有这些活动都是要为节日增添足够的喜庆气氛。

　　春节的另一名称叫过年。在过去的传说中，年是一种为人们带来坏运气的想象中的动物。年一来。树木凋蔽，百草不生；年一过，万物生长，鲜花遍地。年如何才能过去呢？需用鞭炮轰 ，于是有了燃鞭炮的习俗，这其实也是烘托热闹场面的又一种方式。

　　春节是个欢乐祥和的节日，也是亲人团聚的日子，离家在外的孩子在过春节时都要回家欢聚。过年的前一夜，就是旧年的腊月三十夜，也叫除夕，又叫团圆夜，在这新旧交替的时候，守岁是最重要的年俗活动之一，除夕晚上，全家老小都一起熬年守岁，欢聚酣饮，共享天伦之乐，北方地区在除夕有吃饺子的习俗，饺子的作法是先和面，和字就是合；饺子的饺和交谐音，合和交有相聚之意，又取更岁交子之意。在南方有过年吃年糕的习惯，甜甜的粘粘的年糕，象征新一年生活甜蜜蜜，步步高。
待第一声鸡啼响起，或是新年的钟声敲过，街上鞭炮齐鸣，响声此起彼伏，家家喜气洋洋，新的一年开始了，男女老少都穿着节日盛装，先给家族中的长者拜年祝寿，节中还有给儿童压岁钱，吃团年饭，初二、三就开始走亲戚看朋友，相互拜年，道贺祝福，说些恭贺新喜、恭喜发财、恭喜、过年好等话，祭祖等活动。

　　节日的热烈气氛不仅洋溢在各家各户，也充满各地的大街小巷，一些地方的街市上还有舞狮子，耍龙灯，演社火，游花市，逛庙会等习俗。这期间花灯满城，游人满街，热闹非凡，盛况空前，直要闹到正月十五元宵节过后，春节才算真正结束了。

　　春节是汉族最重要的节日，但是满、蒙古，瑶、壮、白、高山、赫哲、哈尼、达斡尔、侗、黎等十几个少数民族也有过春节的习俗，只是过节的形式更有自己的民族特色，更蕴味无穷。
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